Israel Keeps the Fight outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Robo-Snipers, Suicide Drones and Robattle – The Story of Israel’s Defense Industry

With its considerable line-up of ‘robo-snipers’, ‘suicide drones’ and ‘robattle’ battlefield robots, Israel’s defence industry is pushing the envelop of autonomous machines with only token human involvement.

In recent years, the use of autonomous weapons has seen a dramatic increase on modern battlefields – and the proliferation has increased international concern over the ethics governing their use.

Israel has established itself as a pioneer of autonomous weapons, specifically with the Harop ‘Suicide Drone’, Robattle wheeled battlefield robot, and Sentry-Tech automated border control machine gun.

The increasing demand for automated weapons comes amid a global revolution in military affairs (RMA), as nations seek to exploit the advantages of offensive firepower manned by tireless machines without the loss of human life.

Suicide drones, or ‘loitering munitiions as they are technically known, are a hybrid between drones and guided missiles. They are defined by being able to ‘loiter’ in the air for a long period of time, before striking a target entering a pre-defined zone, or waiting for human guidance.

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Euphemistically described as a ‘fire-and-forget’ weapon, the Israeli Aerospace Industries’ Harop autonomously attacks any target meeting previously identified criteria, but includes a ‘man-in-the-loop’ feature that allows a human to technically prevent an attack from taking place.

Given the cutting-edge nature of autonomous weapon platforms, there is little in the way of international law regulating their production or sale.

Demand for autonomous ‘suicide drones’ is at an all-time high after the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict of 2020, which established a benchmark for the effective use of kamikaze drones against conventional military forces. Throughout the conflict, Azerbaijan made prodigious use of Israeli ‘loitering munitions’ and manned Turkish drones.

With demand, comes opportunity. On February 11, more than Israelis including several former defence officials came under investigation for illegaIly designing, producing and selling ‘suicide drones’ to an unnamed Asian nation.

The Israelis are suspected of national security offenses, breaching arms exports laws, money laundering and other financial offenses,” the Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported.

But for Israeli authorities, the crime wasn’t due to a lack of regulation.

Instead, it was for making personal profit from s technology owned by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI). In the same week, Israel made three official sales to anonymous Asian nations.

Is the concern real?

Researchers from the Institute for Strategic, Political, Economic and Security Consultancy argue that development on automation is moving so fast its outpacing the laws that could even hope to regulate it.

To this end, they describe a slippery slope where the role of human beings in decision loops is quickly fading away, with the lack of a clearly defined line over what is acceptable and what is immoral.

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Take the Israeli Border Control Sentry-Tech turret currently deployed along Gaza’s border. They were designed to prevent Palestinians from leaving the Gaza strip and entering Israeli territory.

Automated ‘Robo-Snipers’ set up along the Gaza border, designed to create “automated kill-zones” at least 1.5 km deep. But they aren’t merely robotic guns. The turrets feature heavy duty 7.62 calibre machine guns tied into a network spanning the entire border. If any turret detects human movement, the entire chain of guns can train their sights and concentrate firepower on the interloper. Some turrets are also able to fire explosive rockets.

With such overlapping fields of fire, even heavily armored vehicles would be quickly eliminated. The effect on a human body would be overwhelming, disproportionately violent, and would leave little in the way of human remains.

To increase its effectiveness, its automation consumes information provided by a larger network of drones and ground sensors spanning a 60 kilometer border.

Rafael, Sentry-Tech’s manufacturer emphasises that a human operator in a hardened bunker still has to make the ultimate decision.

Barbara Opall-Rome, former Defence News bureau chief, reports that the turret was designed as an automated closed-loop system, without the need for human input, speaking to Wired Magazine.

She notes, “until the top brass is completely satisfied with the fidelity of their overlapping sensor network – and until the 19- and 20-year-old soldiers deployed behind computer screens are thoroughly trained in operating the system — approval by a commanding officer will be required before pushing the kill button.”

The chilling testimony suggests a move towards a slow decrease in oversight over lethal autonomous weapons, made possible by a lack of state-enforced regulation, and international norms that have yet to adapt to the risks and possibilities of modern technology.

Moral challenge

Concern over the development of autonomous weapons is not limited to ethicists. In 2015, more than a thousand artificial intelligence researchers and notable public figures such as Stephen Hawking and Elon Musk co-signed an open letter to the United Nations, calling for the ban of autonomous weapons.

Their concerns are many. Vocal critics of automation believe that defence companies are building fully autonomous weapon platforms, with only token add-on human involvement pathways, that can be easily removed.

More critically, it’s nearly impossible to externally distinguish between a kill made with human oversight or machine autonomy, blurring the lines of accountability on the battlefield.

The rapid rise of automated weaponry has far reaching legal, ethical and security implications.

Can automated weapons distinguish between soldiers or civilians, and will military conceptions of acceptable risk and collateral damage be coded into their parameters? Who can be held responsible in the event an autonomous weapon makes a mistake? How do automated machines that seek to optimise kill/death ratios and accuracy account for morality, human rights law, and just cause?

Most importantly, is it ethical to allow a machine to harvest a human life without a conscious human decision to do so? For many, a machine making decisions of life violates the concepts of human dignity, while absolving human decision-makers for the burdens of morality and responsibility.

This article has been adapted from its original source.

Hamas naval vessel posing as fishing boat destroyed outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Hamas naval vessel posing as fishing boat said destroyed off Gaza coast

According to unsourced Channel 12 reporting, Israeli forces fired missile to sink ship in Monday incident; IDF had said it uncovered ‘potential threat’ to navy ships

By Judah Ari Gross and TOI staff

27 Feb 2021, 2:47 pm

A Hamas naval vessel posing as a fishermen’s boat off the Gaza coast this week was the source of a “potential threat” to Israeli ships in the area, according to an unsourced report by Channel 12 on Friday.

The network’s military correspondent reported that many of the details of the incident on Monday were banned from publication by the military censor, but the Hamas boat was destroyed and sunk by a missile fired by Israeli forces, according to the report which could not be verified.

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It was not immediately clear how many people were aboard, but Channel 12 reported that the boat was operated by members of Hamas’s naval commando unit.

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The Palestinian news site Shehab had reported that the boat was destroyed by two missiles off the coast of the Gazan city of Khan Younis.

Illustrative: A fisherman navigates rough seas along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea in Gaza City, April 11, 2018. (Adel Hana/AP)

On Monday, the Israel Defense Forces said it uncovered a “potential threat” to naval ships off the Gaza coast, without elaborating on the nature of the threat.

“Earlier today, our troops spotted suspicious naval activity in the maritime zone along the Gaza Strip which posed a potential threat to Israeli Navy vessels,” the military said.

“IDF troops detected the activity and thwarted it,” the military added.

After initially saying additional information would be released about the incident, the military refrained from commenting further.

“The IDF will continue to take action against dangerous threats on the maritime front,” the military added.

Hamas naval commandos, seen in a still image from a propaganda video released by the terror group during Israel’s Operation Protective Edge, in the summer of 2014. (Screen capture)

The Israeli military has repeatedly warned that the Hamas terror group, the de facto ruler of Gaza, as well as other terrorist organizations in the Strip have been developing a number of different maritime-based weapons, including naval mines, explosives-laden kamikaze boats and autonomous submarines.

A senior Israeli military commander said earlier this week that, according to IDF estimates, Hamas has replenished its arsenal since a 2014 war with Israel and now has a vast collection of rockets, guided missiles and drones.

It also has acquired dozens of unmanned aerial vehicles and has an army of some 30,000 men, including 400 naval commandos who have received sophisticated training and equipment to carry out seaborne operations, the commander added. He spoke on condition of anonymity under military guidelines.

The Axis of Resistance Outside the Temple Walls Is Breaking Up: Revelation 11

The Axis of Resistance to Israel Is Breaking Up

Syria has turned against Hamas, and Iran’s efforts to mediate aren’t working.

Anchal Vohra

A cutout of an Israeli soldier is seen behind signs pointing out distances to different cities at an army post in Mount Bental in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights, on Nov. 28, 2020. JALAA MAREY/AFP via Getty Images

Yarmouk, once described as the capital of the Palestinian diaspora, was among the most ferociously bombed neighborhoods in the Syrian conflict. Home to 160,000 Palestinian Syrians before the civil war, the Damascus refugee camp-turned-suburb now lies in ruins and is nearly empty. The destruction of the camp, seen as a symbol of Palestinian resistance to Israel outside the occupied territories, has deprived Palestinians of their homes—and hope.

Yarmouk’s devastation, however, also tells the tale of Iran’s broken axis of resistance to Israel. It once comprised Hezbollah, Hamas, and Bashar al-Assad’s regime. As Hamas, an Islamist Palestinian movement and militia, ignored Assad’s calls for support and instead backed the rebels in the Syrian conflict, the resistance broke apart. This weakened Tehran’s position in the region, as well as limiting its leverage in possible future talks with the United States.

Since 1979, Shiite-majority Iran has presented itself as a champion of the Palestinian cause with the aim of brandishing its credentials as a nonsectarian Islamic power worthy of leading a Sunni-dominated Muslim world. Its alliance with a Sunni militia, Hamas, continues to be important to its narrative. It started to rebuild its axis in 2017 as a change in Hamas’s leadership opened the door to reconciliation talks. To reunite Hamas and the Syrian regime, Iran deployed Hezbollah, the Lebanese arm of the resistance, which has held a series of meetings to facilitate the restoration of ties between the former allies. Palestinian activists in Syria, however, doubt that an unforgiving Assad will agree to reconcile with Hamas. Some instead point to possible Russian mediation between Syria and Israel as a sign of some sort of recalibration of that supposedly hostile relationship instead.

Most of the people of the Yarmouk camp who both wanted a free Palestine and a repression-free Syria fear that the regime has no intentions to rehabilitate them and has deliberately imposed obstacles in the way of their returning. Um Ridwan was a baby when her family was forced to escape the former Mandatory Palestine in the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948, seeking refuge in Yarmouk. Yarmouk was her home from then on, but the relentless bombing of her neighborhood by the regime in battles with the rebels, who included a range of groups from anti-regime Palestinians to the Islamic State, changed the face of it. Now, she can barely recognize it. “It’s all rubble,” she said.

In December 2020, she finally received the required permissions from the Syrian regime to visit her home but found nothing except crumbling walls. “Everything in our house was looted: doors, windows, sinks, even electrical wires in the walls and tiles on the floors had been stolen,” she told Foreign Policy from rented accommodation in Damascus where she has been living. “There is no electricity, no clinics, no schools, there is nothing. We were told the regime is fixing Yarmouk, but it hasn’t.”

It has been almost three years since the regime reclaimed Yarmouk, but it has not even cleared the debris inside the buildings, 60 percent of which were destroyed in the bombardment. According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, the U.N. relief agency for Palestinians, just 604 families have been approved by the regime to return as of last month. Palestinian activists say that these are the families of those who actively supported the regime, not those who opposed it or remained neutral. They accuse the regime of deliberately letting the rebels take over Yarmouk with the intention of isolating them and bombing the camp and then, in the postwar phase, of trying to steal the properties of its original inhabitants.

Foreign Policy spoke to several Palestinian Syrians with homes in Yarmouk who said that the regime wanted only supporters to return, no one else. The regime has demanded residents provide original documents proving ownership, which many may have lost in the chaos of war, and security clearance from the dreaded intelligence services so the regime can screen them for past allegiances. Other families may lose their homes if they fall on streets that have been allocated for redevelopment.

Palestinian Syrians, too, wanted an end to corruption and longed for better lives. They, too, participated in protests, but officially the various groups maintained neutrality in the conflict. However, Yarmouk grabbed attention when the people provided refuge to the internally displaced from elsewhere in the country and offered logistical support and humanitarian services to the rebels of the Free Syrian Army. Palestinian Syrians could not remain outside a conflict that was happening all around them for long.

While some supported the regime, Hamas backed the rebels. The group had been formed in 1987 as the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, a pan-Arab organization propagating political Islam, whose Syrian members were now fighting the Assad regime. Back in 2012, Hamas was also inspired by the success of the Muslim Brotherhood in placing their man, Mohamed Morsi, as president of Egypt, and hoped to cash in on the triumph of its parent organization by siding with them on the Syrian battlefield. Hamas’s leaders left Damascus for Qatar, a patron of the Muslim Brotherhood, and its breakaway fighters formed Aknaf Bayt al-Maqdis, which trained Syrian rebels to build tunnels and make rockets. They fought alongside the rebels against the regime on the Yarmouk front line and even against their old ally Hezbollah in the Syrian town of Qusayr, near the Lebanese border. Assad accused Hamas of supporting the Syrian al Qaeda affiliate, then called the Nusra Front, while Hezbollah chastised it for using Iranian tunnel technology against the axis.

Soon enough, though, Hamas lost the gamble. Morsi was ousted in a coup in July 2013, and in Syria, too, they were eventually defeated by Assad and his Russian allies. But the Palestinians’ protests and Hamas’s rejection of Assad cost the community dearly. Assad’s intelligence services imprisoned thousands of Palestinians it suspected of sympathizing with the Syrian rebels, or those who in any way, howsoever remotely, advocated political Islam. They were seen as a threat by the regime, especially those from Yarmouk.

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One activist who subsequently moved to the United Kingdom, speaking to Foreign Policy on condition of anonymity, said that fellow Palestinian Syrians were arrested if they happened to be from Yarmouk. “Bashar al-Assad considered Hamas’s refusal to support him as a stab in the back and perceived the whole community as unwanted guests in Syria,” the activist said. “Therefore the revenge was very extreme. They arrested anyone from Yarmouk, but it wasn’t limited to one camp. They chased Palestinians everywhere.”

Ahmad Hosein, the CEO of a U.K.-based monitor called Action Group for Palestinians of Syria, said anyone who did not support the regime was punished. “The regime did punish Hamas and its ‘official’ cadres for Hamas’s position toward the regime,” Hosein said. “But as for punishing the Palestinians as a community, I would say that every Palestinian individual who did not stand by the regime, regardless of their affiliation, was punished in one way or another.”

Iranian forces aided Assad in committing these crimes, but it still wanted to rebuild the axis. Over the last two years, Hezbollah’s head Hassan Nasrallah has met with Hamas’s leaders several times. Some of these leaders have also made conciliatory remarks about Syria’s previous largesse, which gave the refugees almost the same status as its own citizens—even though that decision predated the Baathist regime. A delegation from Hamas visited Damascus in 2019 and met with regime officials, but nothing came of it.

While Iran reeled under U.S. President Donald Trump’s “maximum pressure” sanctions campaign, the United Arab Emirates and three other Arab countries signed normalization deals with Israel. That should give further motive to Iran and Hezbollah to keep making an effort to revive the broken axis. But in an interview Nasrallah gave in late December 2020 he hardly seemed optimistic. “This relationship must be restored, but it will take some time,” he said.

There is perhaps too much bad blood between Assad and Hamas to mend fences for the time being. The Syrian regime was left seething when Hamas, a group that they supported over Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization since the ’80s, shunned it in preference for its own Islamist brothers. Besides, analysts say, Assad’s strong relationship with Russia and growing ties with the UAE, both of which want Syria to come to terms with Israel, has impacted the regime’s thinking. Rami al-Sayed, a former human rights activist from the Yarmouk camp, said that the regime had always been insincere about the Palestinian cause and deployed it to achieve its hegemonic ambitions in the Levant. Now, he said, it seemed more interested in cracking a deal to ensure its survival. “We have seen several deals recently, such as when Russia dug graves in Yarmouk to find to Israeli soldiers. Now we have heard that Israel is buying Russia’s coronavirus vaccine for Syrians,” he said. “This comes in parallel with the normalization wave between Israel and the Arab countries. It’s not impossible we will see a formal normalization between the regime and Israel very soon.”

Anchal Vohra is a Beirut-based columnist for Foreign Policy and a freelance TV correspondent and commentator on the Middle East. Twitter: @anchalvohra

Israeli Forces Arrest Hamas Members outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Israeli Forces Arrest Hamas Members in West Bank ahead of Palestinian Elections

February 23, 2021

Mustafa Al-Shunnar, 60, is detained by Israeli forces in an overnight raid in occupied West Bank. (Photo: via Twitter)

At least 20 Palestinians, including Hamas officials, have been detained by Israeli forces in overnight raids in the occupied West Bank, sources reported on Monday.

Mustafa Al-Shunnar, 60, and Omar Abdul-Rahim al-Hanbali, 50, were two Hamas members identified among those arrested, according to the Palestinian Prisoner Society.

Muntasir Al-Shunnar – the son of the Hamas official who is also a professor at the An-Najah National University in Nablus – confirmed his father’s arrest.

“Israeli forces raided his home, destroyed some belongings and questioned my father before arresting him,” Shunar told The New Arab’s Arabic language site, adding that his father suffers from a number of health issues that require medical attention.

Al-Shunnar had previously been detained by the Israeli military.

Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, has earlier warned of Israeli plans to carry out mass arrests ahead of planned Palestinian elections later this year, according to local reports.

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Last month, senior Hamas members Hatem Naji Amr and Omar Barghouthi (not the detained Palestinian activist of the same name) told Anadolu Agency that they were threatened by the Israeli intelligence of imprisonment if they run in the upcoming elections.

Palestinians are scheduled to vote in the legislative elections on May 22, presidential polls on July 31 and the National Council on August 31.

(The New Arab, PC, Social Media)

Israel arrests 20 Palestinians outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Israel arrests 20 Palestinians in West Bank raids

Leading Hamas member detained in raid on his home in Nablus


Israeli forces rounded up 20 Palestinians in overnight raids across the occupied West Bank, according to a Palestinian NGO on Monday.

“Twenty Palestinians were detained by the Israeli military last night,” Amani Sarhana, a spokesperson for the Palestinian Prisoner Society, told Anadolu Agency.

She said influential figures were among those detained, but without giving any further details. “Other people were summoned by the Israeli intelligence service for questioning,” Sarhana said.

According to local residents, leading Hamas member Mustafa al-Shannar, a lecturer at An-Najah University, was detained during a raid on his home in the West Bank city of Nablus.

Al-Shannar had previously been detained by the Israeli military.

Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, has earlier warned of Israeli plans to stage a mass arrest campaign against the resistance group ahead of the Palestinian elections later this year.

Last month, senior Hamas members Hatem Naji Amr and Omar Barghouthi told Anadolu Agency that they were threatened by the Israeli intelligence of imprisonment if they run in the upcoming elections.

Palestinians are scheduled to vote in the legislative elections on May 22, presidential polls on July 31 and the National Council on Aug. 31.

The last legislative elections were held in 2006 in which Hamas won the majority.

Ahmed Asmar contributed to this report from Ankara

Israeli Navy Ship Sinks Boat Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Israeli Navy Ship Sinks Boat Off Gaza Coast

Security sources say boat approached navy ship and refused to stop, while military says preliminary investigation shows boat had no weapons or explosives on board

Feb. 22, 2021 5:15 AM

The Israeli navy sank a fishing boat off the coast of the Gaza Strip on Monday, with the military saying soldiers suspected it posed a potential threat.

Reports in Gaza said it was a fishing boat that had been fired at, while the military said a preliminary investigation showed there were no weapons or explosives on board that could have endangered the soldiers. No casualties were reported thus far.

The military did not mention in its statement on the incident, which occurred off the coast of Khan Yunis in the Gaza Strip, whether anyone was wounded or killed. The statement said that a navy force had “identified naval activity that constituted a potential threat to navy vessels.”

According to security sources, a boat from Gaza approached a navy ship sailing in the area, and the soldiers, suspecting it posed a threat, communicated that it should stop – and when this failed, they fired.

Israel Allows Palestinians to Die Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Palestinians accuse Israel of preventing COVID-19 vaccine transfer to Gaza

Mon, February 15, 2021, 1:40 PM

FILE PHOTO: Palestinian health workers are vaccinated against COVID-19 in Bethlehem

By Rami Ayyub and Nidal al-Mughrabi

TEL AVIV/GAZA (Reuters) – The Palestinian Authority (PA) accused Israel on Monday of holding up the delivery of COVID-19 vaccines into Gaza, where Palestinians have yet to receive any doses.

A Palestinian official told Reuters that the PA tried to send 2,000 doses of Russia’s Sputnik V vaccine from the occupied West Bank to Gaza on Monday, but that Israel stopped the shipment at a West Bank checkpoint “and informed the Palestinians there was no approval to continue to Gaza.”

An Israeli security official said the PA’s request to send the 2,000 doses was “still being examined” and that “an approval hasn’t yet been given”.

The body charged with approving the transfer is Israel’s national security council, part of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, the Israeli security official said.

Netanyahu’s office did not immediately provide comment.

PA officials say they submitted the transfer request to Israeli defence authorities soon after receiving an initial shipment of 10,000 Russian doses in the West Bank on Feb. 4.

“Today, 2,000 doses of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine were transferred to enter the Gaza Strip, but the occupation authorities prevented their entry,” a statement from PA Health Minister Mai Alkaila said.

“These doses were intended for medical staff working in intensive care rooms designated for COVID-19 patients, and for staff working in emergency departments,” the statement added.

The vaccine shipment was returned to Ramallah because it needs to be kept under cold temperatures, the Palestinian official said.

The delay highlights the challenges that Palestinians may face inoculating citizens across the West Bank and Gaza – two geographically-divided areas that Israel captured in a 1967 war and which are home to 5.2 million Palestinians.

Israel controls all entry and exit points to the West Bank and most of the coastal and land boundaries of the Gaza Strip, apart from a narrow border adjoining Egypt in the south.

Both Israel and Egypt maintain a blockade on the coastal strip, citing security fears about the Islamist militant group Hamas, which has controlled Gaza since 2007.

Palestinians and rights groups have accused Israel, a world leader in the rollout of COVID-19 vaccines, of ignoring its duties as an occupying power by not including the Palestinian populations of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in their inoculation programme.

Israeli officials have said that under the Oslo peace accords, the Palestinian Health Ministry is responsible for vaccinating people in Gaza and parts of the West Bank where the PA has limited self-rule.

The PA began administering vaccines to health workers in the West Bank on Feb. 2, after receiving a small shipment of Moderna Inc vaccines from Israel.

(Additional reporting by Ali Sawafta in Ramallah; Editing by Stephen Farrell and Sonya Hepinstall)

Palestinian Child Soldiers Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Why Are Palestinian Child Soldiers Ignored?

Tzemach Yehudah Richter

Feb 19, 2021, 7:49 AM

It’s a familiar story. Ahmed Mansara, 13, and his cousin Hassan Mansara, 15, went on a stabbing spree in Pisgat Ze’ev. They injured two civilians, one a boy their age, before they were stopped. Ahmed was injured and Hassan killed. It’s just one story among countless terrorist attacks, battles, and riots in which Palestinian children served on the frontline. It’s not hard to see the pattern. There is a system that has been constructed by Hamas, the PA, and other authoratative Palestinian organizations that creates and uses child soldiers. Yet despite this system of child militancy being so flagrant, human rights organizations refuse to acknowledge it. They don’t care that Palestinian children are being used as soldiers. They don’t care for the same reason that PFLP or Hamas uses them: They’re useful.

The Paris Principles defines child soldiers as anyone under 18 that is used by an armed force, state or non-state, in any military capacity. The term child soldier is not limited to direct combatants, but also other positions that contribute to the military objective, such as cooks, messengers, spies, and porters. The use of children for warfare is abhorrent for many reasons. Children lack the ability to give informed consent, to take responsibility for themselves, to understand their best interests and pursue them in a reasonable fashion. Consequently, we generally do not let them wed, vote, and to imbibe certain substances. Child soldiers lack the capacity to fully understand why they are fighting. It cannot be considered a consensual decision. They do not understand what it means to take a life, the sanctity and irreplaceability of the light snuffed out, and how it may weigh on their soul in the future. They do not foresee the consequences of their actions, what will happen to their families, and themselves, as a result of combat. Death is not the only thing that can happen to a soldier. Therefore, to force or encourage children to fight others, to kill civilians in an act of terrorism, to unknowingly risk life and limb, is one of the worst forms of child abuse. Almost as bad is to enable it. Which is exactly what the international human rights regime is doing by ignoring and even facilitating systemic Palestinian child militancy.

The system of Palestinian child militancy is extensive. Palestinian kids are educated, trained, activated, and recruited in many ways. School textbooks and lessons engage in militarization, radicalization, and racism to prime children for combat operations. Kids are taught to aspire to jihad and martyrdom, and are even given examples in math and sciences like those about launching stones at soldiers. Posters, songs, poems and memes extol child soldiers, pressuring kids to join their ranks. They are deployed through public commands by Palestinian authorities calling for them to take action through violence. This has led directly to waves of stabbing attacks by teens, which is openly supported and praised by terrorist organizations. Teens that are arrested, injured, or killed in the course of terrorism are paid a bounty under pay-for-slay policies. It is well known that these policies exist, creating a state of open-ended recruitment for lone-wolf cub terrorists.

There is also more direct organization of these children. While the education and propaganda system encourages Palestinian kids to engage in rock-throwing and other violent actions of their own accord, kids are also utilized in organized mass riots. Children are sent to the frontlines to throw stones, pipe bombs, and Molotov cocktails. They also act as human shields, protecting adult perpetrators as they operate.

Then there are the more overt military operations. Palestinian child soldiers are relied on for transportation of weapons, and in the case of IEDs, their placement. They are used as lookouts to spot approaching IDF forces, and messengers between cells. At least nine minors have been killed in cave-ins while digging terrorist tunnels, though it is difficult to ascertain just how many have been killed in this fashion. It is likely that there are many more child tunnel diggers than those killed. Hamas doesn’t run a very transparent operation. However, researchers do uncover many of the under-age combat soldiers they enlist and send into battle. Some of those that are killed, like 15-year-old Wasim Rida Salhia, are revealed through casualty counts. The stories of these child soldiers, like the Mansaras, are well documented. Palestinian Child Soldier Week’s official Twitter account lists them out by name, age, action, and consequence. There are dozens of additional ways child soldiers have been used by Palestinian terrorist organizations, and each violation is worth an exploration in an article in its own right. Given the amount of documentation, human right organizations should be working hard on dismantling the Palestinian child militancy system. Given all the talk of the ICC and war crimes, one would be forgiven in thinking that this issue was at the forefront. Instead those that claim to champion human rights have chosen to ignore the problem, letting it flourish.

UNICEF, Human Rights Watch, and other groups claim that they have not been able to identify the use of child soldiers by Palestinian organizations. When it comes to Palestinian child militancy, they hide behind stricter definitions and greater burdens of proof for violations than they hold for other parties. Even in the same conflict, they do not hold such high standards of evidence for alleged Israeli actions. An example of their evasiveness, as detailed by Palestinian Media Watch, is how UNICEF refused to consider the paying of children to throw Molotov cocktails and transport weapons recruitment, because they could not verify exactly which party was doing the recruiting. Recruitment was happening, but it actually wasn’t recruiting because UNICEF couldn’t see the child soldier payslips from Hamas. Similarly, human rights NGO reports are full of complaints about deaths, injuries, and arrest of minors, but they conveniently leave out why these tragedies occur. These are consequences of the use of child soldiers. Acknowledging this inconvenient truth would complicate the bottom line of their reports, and would interfere with their interests.

There are many reasons why this failure is happening. For one, the employees of human rights groups are not impartial arbiters that apply a set of objective principles of human rights fairly to all. They are political activists, acting according to their interests. Take Omar Shakir, a BDS activist that works for Human Rights Watch. When his visa was rejected because of his BDS activity, he used the shield of his HRW position to claim that he was being rejected due to his human rights work. To these actors, their political activity and human rights work are not just indistinguishable in practice, the legitimacy of the latter is cover for the former. BDS seeks the dissolution of the state of Israel, making common cause with the very organizations that maintain the system of child militancy. BDS’ strength is not as an economic power, but as a public diplomacy force slowly altering perceptions of foreign publics through simple emotional narratives. Dead children are a powerful tool for BDS activists, and one they use with relish. It is difficult to argue with a raw number of minors killed, injured, or arrested. If one does, then they’re accused of hating Palestinian children. It requires additional research to reveal that the cases in question are largely connected to riots, terrorism, or combat. Few check, many accept the numbers at face value. It is therefore in the political interest of BDS activists in human rights organization to ignore child militancy, and to instead continue to load their BDS kits with the bodies of Palestinian child soldiers.

Many of these human rights organizations also have overt ties to terrorist groups. According to NGO-Monitor, The Palestinian Center for Human Rights had several employees that moonlighted as PFLP operatives. An organization that has terrorist operatives within its ranks is unlikely to report child soldier violations by their terrorist organization. It is not just employees that guide policy, but donors as well. Groups like Amnesty International and HRW are not transparent about their funding. Despite claiming that they receive no government funding, both have been shown to receive funding from various governments. Further, in 2012 HRW accepted private funding on the condition that they would not do work on LGBT rights in the Middle East. We can’t expect that their government and other private donations don’t come with strings attached as well. Given the obsessive focus on Israel, and the way important issues like Palestinian child soldiers are ignored, its not unreasonable to suspect that there have been other missions and conditions placed on these organizations. There are few propaganda pieces for attacking your geopolitical enemies better than the claim they are murdering children. For their blatant pursuit of political, personal, and monetary interests, human rights organizations can no longer be trusted unquestionably when it comes to issues like Palestinian child soldiers.

Palestinian child soldiers are useful. In life, terrorists use them to physically strike Israelis in battle, terrorism, and riots. In death, they are used by dishonest NGOs for political propaganda that satisfies their donors and staff. The real losers of this deal are Palestinian children.

February 14th-19th is Palestinian Child Soldier Week 2021. It is as good a time as any to call for an end to this system of abuse. We must call for reform, both of the system of Palestinian child militancy, and the international regime of politically corrupt human rights NGOs that enables it.

Teaching the Children Violence Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

New Gaza educational materials continue to promote violence

By Melissa Weiss February 18, 2021

bad grade

A report issued by an Israeli watchdog group cites more than a dozen examples of problematic content

UK Department for International Development

UK Minister of State for International Development, Alan Duncan MP, looks on as students deliver a presentation at the opening of a UK-funded elementary school in Gaza in 2013.

One month after the head of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) acknowledged that anti-Israel content had been printed in workbooks distributed throughout Gaza in the fall, the organization is again under scrutiny for materials distributed in December and January that glorify violence and characterize Israelis as “our enemies.”

A report released Wednesday by IMPACT-se, an Israel-based watchdog organization that monitors Arabic-language educational content, highlighted learning materials that it claims glorify violence. Much of the material, including numerous references to Israelis as “enemies,” was created by UNRWA-trained educators and does not appear in textbooks and workbooks issued by the Palestinian Authority.

In a January grammar exercise, a flashcard reads “the Occupier commits all kinds of torture.” An exercise in verb conjugation includes the line “jihad is the road of glory.” Social studies curricula don’t acknowledge the existence of Israel, referring to the area known before 1948 as the British Mandate as “Palestine.”

In a Twitter thread last month, UNRWA Commissioner General Philippe Lazzarini said that “Local reference to inappropriate pages [from] textbooks that were mistakenly distributed during #COVID19 lockdown were quickly replaced with content that adheres to UN values.”

Lazzarini did not respond to a private message from Jewish Insider at the time asking how the pages were retrieved from the 300,000 students the organization services in Gaza.

“UNRWA has both said they had no choice but to teach [the curriculum] but also has always said they have all these guardrails about how it can be moderated,” IMPACT-se CEO Marcus Sheff told JI. “Nobody has ever extracted from UNRWA a real practical example of how this is done. Does a teacher in an UNRWA school in Khan Younis in the Gaza Strip tell people not to read that particular sentence about Dalal Mughrabi [a Palestinian militant who died in a 1978 terror attack that killed 34 Israelis] because it is problematic? We’ve never understood it, [and] they’ve never explained it.”

James Cleverly, the U.K.’s minister of state in the Foreign & Commonwealth Office and the Department for International Development, testified in Parliament earlier this month that the content had been rectified by November 2020. Cleverly did not respond to a request for comment.

Also earlier this month, concerns were raised by Miriam Lexmann, a Slovakian member of the European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee, over previous controversial material distributed to UNRWA schools. The European Union contributes upwards of $150 million to UNRWA, its second-largest sponsor after Germany, which gives more than $200 million annually to the agency.

A spokesperson for UNRWA did not respond to a request for comment.

Israel arrests Hamas officials outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Israel arrests Hamas officials in occupied West Bank

Adnan Asfour, member of Hamas. with his family at their home in the West Bank city of Nablus on 16 July 2012 [Nedal Eshtayah/Apaimages]

February 17, 2021 at 10:15 am

As the Palestinians get ready for elections later this year, the Israeli occupation forces have arrested several Hamas officials in the occupied West Bank, reported on Tuesday. Sheikh Adnan Asfour and Hassan Mansour MP were among those arrested on Monday night in Nablus.

Altogether, 12 Palestinians were arrested by the Israelis across the occupied West Bank. Individuals were attacked by the Israeli forces and their homes were ransacked, causing a lot of damage to furniture and household items.

In Jenin, meanwhile, the Israelis also arrested Hamas officials Sheikh Khaled Al-Hajj and Sheikh Abdul Baset Al-Hajj. As happened elsewhere, their homes were ransacked and they were beaten by the Israeli forces.

It is believed that the detention campaign is an effort by Israel to deter and undermine Hamas participation in the upcoming elections.