Israeli military vehicles found outside the Temple Walls carrying out sabotage operations: Revelation 11

Nine Israeli military vehicles found in Gaza Strip carrying out sabotage operations

January 18, 2022

Nine Israeli military vehicles were found north of the town of Beit Lahia in the Gaza Strip on Tuesday, according to the Palestinian News Agency WAFA. 

WAFA said that the military vehicles were carrying out combing and sabotage operations in the area, noting that seven other vehicles were found carrying out similar activities east of Khuza’a, south of the Gaza Strip.

According to eyewitnesses on Monday, Israeli bulldozers moved into these areas amid sweeping operations and intermittent shooting, but no injuries were recorded.

Meanwhile, Israeli Occupation Forces arrested three Palestinians from Hebron.

Security sources told WAFA that the occupation forces stormed Hebron and arrested a young man and a 57-year-old Palestinian from the town of Al-Shuyoukh after searching their homes. 

Muhammad Awad, a media activist in the town of Beit Ummar, north of Hebron, told WAFA that Israeli forces stormed the town and arrested former mayor Farhan Musa Hussein Alqam as well.

Israeli forces also raided several neighbourhoods in the city of Hebron and set up military checkpoints to stop and search vehicles and check citizens’ cards, obstructing citizens’ movement.

Soldiers Invade Palestinian Farmland Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

 JAN 18, 2022

Several Israeli military vehicles invaded, on Tuesday morning, Palestinian farmlands in the northern and southern parts of the Gaza Strip.

Eyewitnesses said several military vehicles, including bulldozers, advanced dozens of meters into farmlands in Khuza’a town, east of Khan Younis, in the southern part of the Gaza Strip, and bulldozed sections near the fence.

In addition, several vehicles invaded farmlands near Beit Lahia, in the northern part of the coastal regions, and bulldozed sectioned near the fence.

It is worth mentioning that, on Monday, the soldiers carried a similar invasion into farmlands in Beit Lahia, while Israeli navy ships attacked Palestinian fishing boats near the shore of Gaza city.

The army frequently attacks farmersshepherds, workers, and fishermen across the eastern parts of the coastal region and in Palestinian territorial waters, leading to dozens of casualties, including fatalities, in addition to preventing the Palestinians from tending to their lands and from fishing to provide for their families.

In March of this last year 2021, the Palestinian Interior Ministry in Gaza said Israeli mines were responsible for an explosion that led to the death of three fishermen.

Israeli Navy Attacks Palestinian Fishing Boats Outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Israeli Navy Attacks Palestinian Fishing Boats In Gaza

Israeli navy ships attacked, Monday several Palestinian fishing boats near the shore of Gaza city, in the besieged coastal region.

Eyewitnesses said the navy fired many live rounds at the boats, in addition to using water cannons, causing damage; no injuries were reported.

One of the fishermen said the boats were only three nautical miles from the Sudaniyya shore, northwest of Gaza city when the navy attacked them.

He added that the fishermen had to return to the shore without being able to fish and provide for their families, in fear of further assaults.

The army frequently attacks farmersshepherds, workers, and fishermen across the eastern parts of the coastal region and in Palestinian territorial waters, leading to dozens of casualties, including fatalities, in addition to preventing the Palestinians from tending to their lands and from fishing to provide for their families.

In March of this last year 2021, the Palestinian Interior Ministry in Gaza said Israeli mines were responsible for an explosion that led to the death of three fishermen.

There WILL NOT be ‘lasting peace’ between Israel and Palestine: Revelation 11

Israeli forces seen in front of the Dome of the Rock, within the Al Aqsa Mosque Compound in Jerusalem on September 10, 2021 [Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency]

Will there be ‘lasting peace’ between Israel and Palestine?

Sayid Marcos TenórioJanuary 4, 2022

Israeli forces seen in front of the Dome of the Rock, within the Al Aqsa Mosque Compound in Jerusalem on September 10, 2021 [Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency]HajjSayidJanuary 15, 2022 at 2:24 pm 

Clashes between Israelis and Palestinians are nothing new. These episodes have been happening since the Zionist militias started the Nakba in 1948 with the violent expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians and the destruction of more than 140 towns and villages. This ethnic cleansing campaign made way for the Ashkenazi, Khazar and Sephardi Jews, displaced from Europe, to settle in historical Palestine.

The episodes of direct confrontations in May 2021 between Palestinian resistance forces and Israel reignited the debate on the legitimacy of each and the effectiveness of a lasting peace agreement between the two parties. As usual, the mainstream media lavishly trumpeted the chant about “Israel’s right to defend itself”, while continuing to treat resistance forces, especially the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas, as responsible for aggression and “terrorism”.

In January 2020, former US President Donald Trump, without the participation of Palestinians, announced an arrangement termed the “deal of the century“. Trump’s proposition was a unilateral initiative arising from pressure from the US Jewish lobby aimed at continuing the annexations of Palestinian territories and recognising and legalising the crimes that the Jewish state has been committing since 1948. What appeared to be an alternative to “lasting peace” was, in fact, a macabre plan to end Palestine as a nation.

The colonialist plan did not end after the self-proclamation of the Jewish state nor with the massacre perpetrated during the so-called Six-Day War, or with the occupation of the Gaza Strip, Sinai (Egypt) and the Golan Heights (Syria). Israel continues to carry out the process of complete Judaisation of Palestine in all fields, adopting legislation such as the Basic Law of the Nation-State passed by the Knesset on 19 July, 2018, through which it legally became an exclusive state for Jews.

As can be seen, the goal of the Israeli occupation is the complete destruction of Palestine so that there is finally the establishment of a state of Jewish supremacy in the occupied territories, without defined borders and in permanent expansion. The intention is to transform what is left of Palestine into small islands of land as if it were a mini-state – pulverised, surrounded and suffocated by the occupier on all sides.

A new Hamas programme was approved in 2017 and called the General Document of Principles and Policies. It asserts that the establishment of the so-called “State of Israel” based on unilateral decisions is completely “illegal, infringes the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and goes against their will and the will of the Nation,”[1]as it is a violation of human rights and the right to self-determination.

Hamas has declared that it will not recognise Israel or anything that happened in Palestine in terms of occupation. This includes the construction of colonial settlements, the Judaisation of historical and sacred places and the change in characteristics or falsification of historical and cultural facts. It understands that Palestinian rights over their land and places will never lapse.

The Hamas programme rejects a lasting solution other than the liberation of Palestine “from the river to the sea”, without compromising its rejection of Israel and without abandoning any rights of the Palestinians. It agrees with the establishment of a Palestinian state along the borders of 4 June, 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital and the return of refugees and displaced people from their homes, from which they have been expelled since 1948.

The leadership of Hamas has declared that it is committed to the re-establishment of relations and joint actions by Palestinian organisations based on pluralism, democracy, national partnership, acceptance of the other and the adoption of dialogue. The aim is to strengthen the unity to meet the aspirational needs of the Palestinian people, as occurred in the historic meeting of 5 September, 2020, when the main Palestinian forces came together for a joint initiative to contest the Israeli occupation.

Some insist on the thesis of the alleged attempt by Hamas to delegitimise the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). However, the movement shows the recognition of the organisation in its programme, stating that it is a reference for the Palestinian people that needs to be preserved, developed and rebuilt on a democratic basis, inside and outside Palestine, to ensure the participation of all forces fighting to protect the rights of Palestinians.

While Palestinians seek solutions to end the colonial apartheid of the “Jewish state”, Zionist leaders deny, by all means, the most elementary rights of Palestinians. This can be seen in the statements of the current premier, Naftali Bennett, who said in 2018 that he “wouldn’t give an inch of land to the Arabs” and told US magazine The New Yorker in 2013: “I will do everything in my power so that they never have their own state.”

For these and other reasons, Palestinians do not trust the Zionists. They do not comply with agreements, such as the Oslo Accords, which have become a dead letter without recognising the right of existence of the Palestinian state. After Oslo, Israel accelerated the expansion of the occupation, the creation of Jewish colonial settlements, the confiscation of land, the creation of quotas for exports to the Israeli market and control on the import of agricultural machinery and tools, which ended up ruining Palestinian agriculture.

Despite this, there are still those who advocate the recognition of Israel by the Palestinian resistance as a pre-condition for the existence of “lasting peace agreements”. There are also those who support normalisation to take effect when it is known that this arrangement is ineffective for the simple realisation that Israel will not stop the occupation at a negotiating table. Such rhetoric serves the interests of the Israeli occupation, which is aware of its inability to win new battles against the Palestinian resistance.

To accept the occupier’s reality is to annihilate the dream of freedom and liberation, betraying the martyrs and those who fought long and hard for freedom, self-determination and dignity. This would betray the principles of legitimate resistance to achieve what is enshrined in international law and the Charter of the United Nations.

[1]TENÓRIO, Sayid Marcos. Palestina: Do mito da terra prometido à terra da resistência. 1st ed. São Paulo: Anita Garibaldi, IBRASPAL, 2019. P. 382.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Nuclear weapons outside the temple walls: Revelation 11

It is time for Israel to come clean about its nuclear weapons

Yet again, Covid-19 has led to the postponement of the 10th Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference, which was originally scheduled for 2020, the 50th anniversary of the treaty going into effect. The meeting of the state parties to the treaty is now delayed until this coming August. The treaty is the most important in the badly shredded network of arms control agreements that were drawn up in the Cold War and post-Cold War eras to prevent nuclear war and to set the world on the path to abolition of nuclear weapons.

The NPT is the one treaty to which the historic, or legacy, nuclear powers (China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) all belong. All have opposed the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons that explicitly aims for the abolition of nuclear weapons. But non-nuclear states largely support the TPNW, as they believe the legacy states have abused the NPT to defend their own interests and, particularly in the last decade, to evade their own commitments to nuclear disarmament.

Israel can longer justify its evasiveness about its nuclear status, and its aggressive policies toward other potential nuclear states have made it a destabilizing force.

Non-nuclear states also perceive legacy states as playing favorites with certain nations outside the NPT, including Israel. In today’s nuclear landscape, however, Israel can no longer justify its evasiveness about its nuclear status, and its aggressive policies toward potential nuclear states among its regional rivals have made it a destabilizing force, constraining progress toward disarmament. It is time for Israel to come clean about its nuclear capacity and to join the international system of arms control.

While the TPNW establishes a duty for member states to try to universalize the treaty, the NPT has no such requirement. Its members seem content to sustain the status quo with a divide between the legacy nuclear states and non-nuclear states, with four nuclear-armed states outside the treaty (Pakistan, India and North Korea, in addition to Israel). In recent years, however, the bipolar balance of power between the United States and the former Soviet Union that sustained the treaty, with lesser powers in subordinate roles, has evolved dramatically.

This means that in its 52nd year, the NPT, with its current membership, is less useful as a framework for nuclear disarmament than it was only a decade ago. New realities include the fact that China is vying to become a nuclear superpower on par with the United States and Russia by modernizing its nuclear arsenal. Also, North Korea has become a powerful rogue state, developing a variety of weapons and delivery systems, challenging the United States, and threatening America’s East Asian allies of South Korea and Japan.

The bipolar balance of power between the United States and the former Soviet Union that sustained the treaty, with lesser powers in subordinate roles, has evolved dramatically.

As for Israel, it remains the sole (though undeclared) possessor of nuclear weapons in the Middle East and seems determined to remain so. Securing its nuclear superiority has become the driving force of its strategic policy. After bombing nuclear reactors in Iraq and Syria, it has reportedly conducted assassinations of nuclear scientists and sabotage operations, and it encouraged the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the 2015 international agreement designed to deny Iran the potential for developing its own bomb. Senior Israeli aides now regard those moves as a mistake because the Iranian program has shown surprising resilience. The situation in Iran is also a reminder that in a multipolar nuclear world, with major actors outside the NPT, that treaty fails to provide the nuclear peace it once promised.

Some arms control proponents hope that if the historic superpowers, the United States and Russia, can make progress toward bilateral disarmament, China may be induced to join a trilateral arms control treaty. And South Koreans hope that a declaration of peace followed by a treaty to formally end the Korean War will entice North Korea along the path to denuclearization, a formula the North has sometimes advocated itself. As for the regional rivals India and Pakistan, both of which are threatened by China, a trilateral treaty among the superpowers might well persuade them to pursue disarmament in some form as well.

Among the principal outliers to the NPT, only Israel remains without a path toward nuclear arms control and non-nuclear peace.

Historically, Israel has maintained a policy of opacity about its nuclear arms. But the circumstances around this strategy have changed dramatically. First, Israel is no longer surrounded by Arab enemies. After the Abraham Accords in 2020, it has treaties with many of the states in the region and collaborative relations with the regional heavyweight, Saudi Arabia. Second, Israel is the dominant military power in the region with exceptional technological advantages, particularly in cyberwarfare. As a result, its citizen army no longer puts it at a disadvantage. Third, even the narrow confines of its borders are not the potential weakness they once were: Israel has effective control of the West Bank, and—in defiance of the Oslo Accords and international law—it has enlarged its colonization of that area, securing the presence of a growing population of Israeli settlers there.

Its main regional enemy remains Iran. The chances of normalized relations with Iran are difficult to determine without diplomatic probes. With the fall of Benjamin Netanyahu, however, Israeli elites now openly regret opposing the Iranian nuclear disarmament agreement, and they rue how the former prime minister supported the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from the agreement. My own informed sources say that under the new coalition government, Israeli intelligence and military officials are closer to their American colleagues, and they support a renewal of the Iranian agreement.

Israeli elites now openly regret opposing the Iranian nuclear disarmament agreement.

If the agreement is renewed and the threat of an Iranian nuclear weapon disappears from the scene, the major historic reasons for Israel’s policy of strategic nuclear ambiguity will no longer be salient. There would be an opportunity to go public about its nuclear standing and its nuclear policies, and so enter into international arms control and disarmament agreements—including the NPT.

Why should Israel, or any other outlier nuclear-armed state, join the NPT? For one, it is the keystone agreement of the international arms control regime. The legacy nuclear powers already belong to it, and they regard it as the principal vehicle for nuclear disarmament. By contrast, none are state parties to the TPNW, and they actively oppose it. Second, the NPT envisages gradual progress toward disarmament preceded by various measures of arms control. Countries like Israel, whose defense policies rely on nuclear deterrence and even the possible use of nuclear weapons, will understandably be more comfortable with the NPT than the TPNW, which requires the abolition of nuclear arsenals in a shorter time frame.

A possible obstacle to Israel’s joining the NPT is the fact that the conferees of the treaty and the United Nations General Assembly support a Middle East Nuclear Weapons Free Zone. Such zones already exist in Latin America, Africa, Central Asia, Mongolia, Southeast Asia, the South Pacific and Antarctica. They are a principal means under the NPT for extending the treaty’s Article VI commitments to make progress toward global nuclear disarmament.

The United States has repeatedly run interference to prevent the implementation of the Middle East Nuclear Weapons Free Zone so as not to inconvenience or embarrass Israel. But if a renewed deal with Iran prevents the further development of a nuclear weapons program there, Israel will no longer have reason to object to the formation of a nuclear-free zone by its neighbors. Indeed, the region would be far safer for Israel if nearby countries were to renounce nuclear weapons. The world, moreover, would be safer still if the Israeli nuclear arsenal came out of the shadows and committed to international supervision in the same way that the arsenals of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are today.

In a fast-changing geostrategic environment, the NPT would be a far more effective instrument of international security and nuclear stability if the state parties were to reach out to include outlier nuclear-armed states, including Israel, in their number. In the Middle East, Israel possesses unparalleled military superiority, and with aggressive tactics against possible rivals, it has ensured its exclusive nuclear hegemony. Under these conditions, it is time for Israel to be open about its nuclear arms, to join in global arrangements for preventing nuclear war, and, along with the NPT legacy states, to travel the path toward nuclear disarmament.

Israel escalates war on all fronts outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

An explosion caused by Israeli airstrikes is seen in the town of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, Sunday Jan, 2, 2022. (AP Photo/Yousef Masoud)

Israel escalates war on all fronts against Palestinians

Jean Shaoul

Human rights organisation B’Tselem has highlighted the massive increase in Israel’s attacks against the Palestinians in 2021, the deadliest year since Israel’s criminal assault on Gaza in 2014.

According to B’Tselem, Israel’s security forces killed 313 Palestinians in the Palestinian territories it has illegally occupied since the 1967 Arab Israeli war: 236 in the Gaza Strip, almost all during the 11-day assault in May, and 77 in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Another six were killed either at the hands of soldiers or armed settlers. A further 25 Palestinians in Gaza were killed by rockets fired at Israel that landed within Gaza, while it was unclear whether another eight were killed by Israeli forces or Palestinian rocket fire. In the West Bank, Israel’s de facto subcontractors, the Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces, killed two Palestinians during their arrest.

Of the 232 Palestinians killed by the military during the May assault on Gaza, at least 137 were non-combatants, including 53 minors and 38 women, many of whom were killed during the criminal bombardment of densely populated areas, a consistent feature of Israel’s operations. While senior Israeli officials claim that lethal fire is used as a “last resort” in accordance with Israeli and international law, this is clearly routine with no one held accountable.

B’Tselem investigated 336 incidents of settler violence, up from 251 in 2020, that resulted in at least eight Palestinian civilian deaths, including two minors, at the hands of security forces or settlers that occurred during the weeks of protests against the establishment of the illegal Eviatar outpost on Palestinian land. Violence was not simply a case of a few unruly settlers out of control, but a strategy aimed at taking over more and more Palestinian land with the full support of the military and the government.

Following an agreement with the government in June, the 50 settlers at Eviatar agreed to leave and allow Israeli troops to establish a base in the area, while the defence ministry studied land claims to assess whether to recognise a future settlement.

Since then, Israeli soldiers have prevented Palestinian farmers from accessing hundreds of dunams (one dunam is equal to one quarter of an acre) of their own land, blocked agricultural roads and repeatedly damaged them. On July 9, soldiers fired on Palestinian protesters, injuring nearly 400 people, making it clear that that the settlement will get government approval.

Civilian deaths and Israel’s rules of engagement

As well as killing and wounding Palestinian protesters, soldiers killed at least 36 Palestinians, including four minors and five women, accused of attacking or attempting to attack Israeli security forces or civilians with a car, knife, firearm or even stones. B’Tselem cited two of the most egregious examples of such unlawful shootings: the killing of Osama Mansur, who was not endangering the soldiers’ lives and was mistakenly suspected of trying to run them over; and of Fahmeyeh al-Hrub, 60, who was moving slowly towards the soldiers who killed her.

Together with right-wing settler groups’ demands that the military stop “tying the hands” of Israeli soldiers in the West Ban, citing such attacks provides the context for last month’s decision of the military, which has for years granted its soldiers near-total immunity and little legal accountability, to revise its Rules of Engagement (RoE) in relation to its open-fire policies in the occupied West Bank. Under the new rules, Israeli soldiers may shoot, even kill, fleeing Palestinians, including children, for allegedly throwing rocks at Israeli “civilian” cars, even when they no longer pose any danger. By “civilians,” the new army manual means the armed settlers who have taken over land in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem and killed and wounded numerous Palestinians over the decades. The new RoE do not apply to armed settlers that assault or attempt to assault soldiers.

The security forces now have carte blanche to shoot-to-kill, without any fear of retribution in the courts since they are acting in accordance with the army’s manual of operations. This enables Israel to plead in any investigation into human rights violations and war crimes in the occupied territories by the International Criminal Court that no war crimes have taken place, since the killing of Palestinians have been carried out in accordance with Israel’s military code and judicial system.

Israel’s soldiers and police have become judge, jury and executioner, free of all restraint.


Israeli authorities demolished 295 residential buildings in the West Bank and in East Jerusalem, the highest number since 2016, making 895 Palestinians, 463 of them children, homeless; in addition to 548 non-residential buildings, including warehouses, agricultural structures, cisterns, businesses and public structures, the highest number since 2012.

Israel uses the Emergency Statutes of 1945, left over from the British Mandate, in the occupied territories to claim these demolitions were a matter of “law enforcement” as the homes and structures were built without permits. In the 1950s Menachem Begin, leader of the Irgun terrorist gang and future Likud prime minister, deemed this legislation when used against Jews as “worse than the Nazi legislation.”

The use of these laws serves to block almost all Palestinian development in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, while greenlighting settlement expansion. The Palestinians have no option but to build without a licence, providing the pretext for the Israeli authorities to issue demolition orders.

Last month, Menachem Mazuz, a former attorney general and judge in Israel’s highest court, told Ha’aretz that he considers house demolitions as collective punishment, illegal and immoral, as well as ineffective. His frustration over the issue was a major reason for his leaving the court in 2020, some five years before his tenure expired.

Arrests, imprisonment and administrative detention

A report by several Palestinian organisations, including the Commission of Detainees Affairs, the Palestinian Prisoner Society (PPS), Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, and Wadi Hilweh Information Center, revealed that the Israeli army had arrested nearly 8,000 Palestinians in 2021, including more than 1,300 minors and 184 women.

There were around 4,600 prisoners and detainees, including 34 women and a girl and about 160 children and minors, in Israeli jails. Some 547 prisoners were serving life sentences. According to the Palestinian News and Information Agency (WAFA), Israel holds 10 journalists in its prisons, while 384 Israeli violations against journalists in the West Bank were registered in 2021.

Addameer said that there about 500, including nine members of the Palestinian Legislative Council and four minors, in administrative detention—open-ended detention by the military authorities based on secret evidence without charge or trial. This is a practice that Michael Lynk, the United Nations human rights expert monitoring the occupied territories, has called “an anathema in any democratic society that follows the rule of law.”

Last month, Israeli military officials, concerned that the death of 40-year-old Hisham Abu Hawash—who had been on hunger strike for four months to protest his open-ended detention—would spark civil unrest in the West Bank and Gaza, suspended his detention saying his failing health meant he no longer posed a danger to the state.

Nearly 600 prisoners were sick, including several with cancer. On Tuesday, rallies took place in the West Bank in a show of solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Israel, with calls to free Nasser Abu Hamid, battling cancer in detention. Qadura Fares, the head of the PPS, a prisoners’ rights advocacy group, said that Israel “is practicing slow killing” of Palestinian prisoners through “medical negligence.”

Palestinian fishing boat comes under Israeli attack outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Palestinian fishing boat comes under Israeli attack, forced to leave Gaza Sea

Palestinian fishing boat comes under Israeli attack, forced to leave Gaza Sea

(WAFA archive) 

GAZA, Wednesday, January 12, 2022 (WAFA) – Israeli navy today evening opened fire at a Palestinian fishing boat sailing offshore the city of Gaza, said sources.

According to one of the fishermen, Israeli boats surrounded the boat while sailing within six nautical miles offshore the city of Gaza and proceeded to open fire at the boat and used water cannons against it, forcing the fishermen to return to shore.

Israelis forces constantly harass fishermen and farmers at border areas and prevent them from earning a living.


Hamas threatens retaliation outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Sheikh Raed Salah (center left), leader of the radical northern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel, celebrates with supporters following his release from a jail in the Arab city of Umm al-Fahm in northern Israel, on December 13, 2021. (Ahmad Gharabli/AFP)

Hamas threatens retaliation following crackdown on Palestinian prisoners

By Aaron BoxermanToday, 8:03 pm

The Hamas terror group threatens retaliation after a Palestinian prisoner stabbed an Israeli guard with a small improvised weapon, sparking what Palestinians said was a crackdown.

Yousef al-Mabhouh, a Palestinian security prisoner from Gaza, stabbed an Israeli prison guard last night, lightly wounding him. In response, Israeli prison authorities shut down the compound and put several prisoners into solitary confinement, according to Palestinian media.

“We will not allow the battle to stay confined to the jails,” says Hamas official Zaher Jabareen in an interview with Palestine Today TV. “We will not leave our prisoners to fend for themselves.”

Bennett offers Israeli assistance to Kentucky amid devastating tornadoes

Hamas says it has passed a message to Israel through Egypt and other mediators between the two sides warning Israel “against continuing to aggress against prisoners inside [Israeli] jails.”

Hamas and Islamic Jihad have occasionally threatened to attack Israel over the situation of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. But those threats have rarely come to pass, with the problem generally getting resolved in one way or another.

West Bank violence could lead to another Gaza war outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

A Palestinian man scuffles with an Israeli during a protest against settlements, Asira al-Qibliya, West Bank (photo credit: MOHAMAD TOROKMAN/REUTERS)

West Bank violence could lead to another Gaza war – UN envoy

The UN tacitly calls for a proportional IDF response to Palestinian violence.

Increased West Bank violence between Israelis and Palestinians could spark another Gaza war, UN Special Coordinator for the Peace Process Tor Wennesland warned on Tuesday.

“If left unchecked, I am concerned that not only may the situation in the West Bank further deteriorate, but these dynamics could also impact the security situation in Gaza and undermine the cessation of hostilities that has held since May 2021,” Wennesland told the United Nations Security Council during his monthly briefing to the 15-member body.

Israeli and Palestinians could be facing “another destructive and bloody round of violence,” Wennesland said as he addressed the New York meeting virtually from Jerusalem.

“We must act now to prevent that from happening,” he added.

He provided data on the violence that occurred between September 29 and December of this year that included all the Palestinian territories.

 Israeli settlers clash with Palestinians after throwing stones at houses on the edge of the Palestinian village of Burin, November 6, 2021 (credit: YESH DIN)

Israeli settlers clash with Palestinians after throwing stones at houses on the edge of the Palestinian village of Burin, November 6, 2021 (credit: YESH DIN)During that time, he said, 12 Palestinians, including one woman and four children, were killed by Israeli security forces and 306 were injured “during demonstrations, clashes, search-and-arrest operations, attacks and alleged attacks against Israelis, and other incidents” across the Palestinian territories.

Separately in that same period, 39 Palestinians were “injured by Israeli settlers or other [Israeli] civilians, who also perpetrated 121 attacks resulting in damage to Palestinian property,” Wennesland said.

He also provided data on Palestinian violence against Israelis in that same period.

“Two Israeli civilians were killed and 39 Israelis – 30 civilians, including two women and two children, and nine members of the Israeli security forces – were injured by Palestinians in clashes, shooting, stabbing and ramming attacks, as well as incidents involving the throwing of stones and Molotov cocktails and other incidents. Palestinians perpetrated 105 attacks resulting in damage to Israeli property,” Wennesland said.

After addressing the monthly meeting on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict other envoys also spoke out about their concerns regarding the increased violence.

The Biden administration tacitly called on Israel to respond proportionally and equitably to Palestinian violence against Israelis in the West Bank, when US Deputy Ambassador Richard Mills addressed the UNSC.

“We urge the authorities to condemn acts of violence and also to respond to attacks in a proportionate and reasonable manner that seeks to avoid the unnecessary loss of life,” Mills said.

“Such episodes risk precipitating an even greater escalation of violence,” he added.

He spoke in the aftermath of tense month in the West Bank and Jerusalem, in which Palestinian terrorists killed Yehuda Dimentman, 25, in the West Bank last week and stabbed an Israeli man in Jerusalem, moderately wounding him.

In the latter incident, Border Police immediately shot and killed the assailant.

Mills did not name Israel when calling for a proportional response, but it is a phrase that is solely used against the Jewish state by its critics.

He also seemed to be criticizing Israel for not doing enough to halt nationalistic crimes against innocent Palestinians, including by settlers when he issued this statement at the UNSC: “We also call on authorities to hold those responsible for violence fully accountable for their actions. All perpetrators should face equal justice under the law.”

He did not specifically condemn Dimentman’s killing, although State Department spokesman Ned Price had done so immediately after the attack.

The US is “deeply concerned about rising tensions in the West Bank and in and around Jerusalem, especially violence perpetrated against ordinary civilians attempting to go about their lives as best they can,” Mills said.

“We call on Israelis and Palestinians to refrain from any actions that add to the already tense situation,” he added.

In describing acts that increase tensions, he took issue with steps that Israel takes, such as demolitions of illegal West Bank Palestinian homes and settlement expansion. Mills also listed issues typically attributed to the Palestinians and the Palestinian Authority, such as incitement to violence and the PA policy of providing monthly financial stipends to “individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.”Israeli security forces

Hamas praises stabbing attack outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Hamas praises Jerusalem stabbing attack

Elior Levy| Published: 12.08.21, 08:52

The Palestinian terrorist group Hamas praised the stabbing attack in Jerusalem that left one Israeli wounded on Wednesday.

“The heroic actions in the West Bank and Jerusalem prove the greatness of our people and their unbreakable resistance. The Palestinians at the West Bank and at Jerusalem are in an open battle campaign against Israel,” said Hamas.