Columbia University Warns Of Sixth Seal (Revelation 6:12)

    Earthquakes May Endanger New York More Than Thought, Says Study
A study by a group of prominent seismologists suggests that a pattern of subtle but active faults makes the risk of earthquakes to the New York City area substantially greater than formerly believed. Among other things, they say that the controversial Indian Point nuclear power plants, 24 miles north of the city, sit astride the previously unidentified intersection of two active seismic zones. The paper appears in the current issue of the Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America.
Many faults and a few mostly modest quakes have long been known around New York City, but the research casts them in a new light. The scientists say the insight comes from sophisticated analysis of past quakes, plus 34 years of new data on tremors, most of them perceptible only by modern seismic instruments. The evidence charts unseen but potentially powerful structures whose layout and dynamics are only now coming clearer, say the scientists. All are based at Columbia University’s Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory, which runs the network of seismometers that monitors most of the northeastern United States.
Lead author Lynn R. Sykes said the data show that large quakes are infrequent around New Yorkcompared to more active areas like California and Japan, but that the risk is high, because of the overwhelming concentration of people and infrastructure. “The research raises the perception both of how common these events are, and, specifically, where they may occur,” he said. “It’s an extremely populated area with very large assets.” Sykes, who has studied the region for four decades, is known for his early role in establishing the global theory of plate tectonics.
The authors compiled a catalog of all 383 known earthquakes from 1677 to 2007 in a 15,000-square-mile area around New York City. Coauthor John Armbruster estimated sizes and locations of dozens of events before 1930 by combing newspaper accounts and other records. The researchers say magnitude 5 quakes—strong enough to cause damage–occurred in 1737, 1783 and 1884. There was little settlement around to be hurt by the first two quakes, whose locations are vague due to a lack of good accounts; but the last, thought to be centered under the seabed somewhere between Brooklyn and Sandy Hook, toppled chimneys across the city and New Jersey, and panicked bathers at Coney Island. Based on this, the researchers say such quakes should be routinely expected, on average, about every 100 years. “Today, with so many more buildings and people, a magnitude 5 centered below the city would be extremely attention-getting,” said Armbruster. “We’d see billions in damage, with some brick buildings falling. People would probably be killed.”
Starting in the early 1970s Lamont began collecting data on quakes from dozens of newly deployed seismometers; these have revealed further potential, including distinct zones where earthquakes concentrate, and where larger ones could come. The Lamont network, now led by coauthor Won-Young Kim, has located hundreds of small events, including a magnitude 3 every few years, which can be felt by people at the surface, but is unlikely to cause damage. These small quakes tend to cluster along a series of small, old faults in harder rocks across the region. Many of the faults were discovered decades ago when subways, water tunnels and other excavations intersected them, but conventional wisdom said they were inactive remnants of continental collisions and rifting hundreds of millions of years ago. The results clearly show that they are active, and quite capable of generating damaging quakes, said Sykes.
One major previously known feature, the Ramapo Seismic Zone, runs from eastern Pennsylvania to the mid-Hudson Valley, passing within a mile or two northwest of Indian Point. The researchers found that this system is not so much a single fracture as a braid of smaller ones, where quakes emanate from a set of still ill-defined faults. East and south of the Ramapo zone—and possibly more significant in terms of hazard–is a set of nearly parallel northwest-southeast faults. These include Manhattan’s 125th Street fault, which seems to have generated two small 1981 quakes, and could have been the source of the big 1737 quake; the Dyckman Street fault, which carried a magnitude 2 in 1989; the Mosholu Parkway fault; and the Dobbs Ferry fault in suburban Westchester, which generated the largest recent shock, a surprising magnitude 4.1, in 1985. Fortunately, it did no damage. Given the pattern, Sykes says the big 1884 quake may have hit on a yet-undetected member of this parallel family further south.
The researchers say that frequent small quakes occur in predictable ratios to larger ones, and so can be used to project a rough time scale for damaging events. Based on the lengths of the faults, the detected tremors, and calculations of how stresses build in the crust, the researchers say that magnitude 6 quakes, or even 7—respectively 10 and 100 times bigger than magnitude 5–are quite possible on the active faults they describe. They calculate that magnitude 6 quakes take place in the area about every 670 years, and sevens, every 3,400 years. The corresponding probabilities of occurrence in any 50-year period would be 7% and 1.5%. After less specific hints of these possibilities appeared in previous research, a 2003 analysis by The New York City Area Consortium for Earthquake Loss Mitigation put the cost of quakes this size in the metro New York area at $39 billion to $197 billion. A separate 2001 analysis for northern New Jersey’s Bergen County estimates that a magnitude 7 would destroy 14,000 buildings and damage 180,000 in that area alone. The researchers point out that no one knows when the last such events occurred, and say no one can predict when they next might come.
“We need to step backward from the simple old model, where you worry about one large, obvious fault, like they do in California,” said coauthor Leonardo Seeber. “The problem here comes from many subtle faults. We now see there is earthquake activity on them. Each one is small, but when you add them up, they are probably more dangerous than we thought. We need to take a very close look.” Seeber says that because the faults are mostly invisible at the surface and move infrequently, a big quake could easily hit one not yet identified. “The probability is not zero, and the damage could be great,” he said. “It could be like something out of a Greek myth.”
The researchers found concrete evidence for one significant previously unknown structure: an active seismic zone running at least 25 miles from Stamford, Conn., to the Hudson Valley town of Peekskill, N.Y., where it passes less than a mile north of the Indian Point nuclear power plant. The Stamford-Peekskill line stands out sharply on the researchers’ earthquake map, with small events clustered along its length, and to its immediate southwest. Just to the north, there are no quakes, indicating that it represents some kind of underground boundary. It is parallel to the other faults beginning at 125th Street, so the researchers believe it is a fault in the same family. Like the others, they say it is probably capable of producing at least a magnitude 6 quake. Furthermore, a mile or so on, it intersects the Ramapo seismic zone.
Sykes said the existence of the Stamford-Peekskill line had been suggested before, because the Hudson takes a sudden unexplained bend just ot the north of Indian Point, and definite traces of an old fault can be along the north side of the bend. The seismic evidence confirms it, he said. “Indian Point is situated at the intersection of the two most striking linear features marking the seismicity and also in the midst of a large population that is at risk in case of an accident,” says the paper. “This is clearly one of the least favorable sites in our study area from an earthquake hazard and risk perspective.”
The findings comes at a time when Entergy, the owner of Indian Point, is trying to relicense the two operating plants for an additional 20 years—a move being fought by surrounding communities and the New York State Attorney General. Last fall the attorney general, alerted to the then-unpublished Lamont data, told a Nuclear Regulatory Commission panel in a filing: “New data developed in the last 20 years disclose a substantially higher likelihood of significant earthquake activity in the vicinity of [Indian Point] that could exceed the earthquake design for the facility.” The state alleges that Entergy has not presented new data on earthquakes past 1979. However, in a little-noticed decision this July 31, the panel rejected the argument on procedural grounds. A source at the attorney general’s office said the state is considering its options.
The characteristics of New York’s geology and human footprint may increase the problem. Unlike in California, many New York quakes occur near the surface—in the upper mile or so—and they occur not in the broken-up, more malleable formations common where quakes are frequent, but rather in the extremely hard, rigid rocks underlying Manhattan and much of the lower Hudson Valley. Such rocks can build large stresses, then suddenly and efficiently transmit energy over long distances. “It’s like putting a hard rock in a vise,” said Seeber. “Nothing happens for a while. Then it goes with a bang.” Earthquake-resistant building codes were not introduced to New York City until 1995, and are not in effect at all in many other communities. Sinuous skyscrapers and bridges might get by with minimal damage, said Sykes, but many older, unreinforced three- to six-story brick buildings could crumble.
Art Lerner-Lam, associate director of Lamont for seismology, geology and tectonophysics, pointed out that the region’s major highways including the New York State Thruway, commuter and long-distance rail lines, and the main gas, oil and power transmission lines all cross the parallel active faults, making them particularly vulnerable to being cut. Lerner-Lam, who was not involved in the research, said that the identification of the seismic line near Indian Point “is a major substantiation of a feature that bears on the long-term earthquake risk of the northeastern United States.” He called for policymakers to develop more information on the region’s vulnerability, to take a closer look at land use and development, and to make investments to strengthen critical infrastructure.
“This is a landmark study in many ways,” said Lerner-Lam. “It gives us the best possible evidence that we have an earthquake hazard here that should be a factor in any planning decision. It crystallizes the argument that this hazard is not random. There is a structure to the location and timing of the earthquakes. This enables us to contemplate risk in an entirely different way. And since we are able to do that, we should be required to do that.”
New York Earthquake Briefs and Quotes:
Existing U.S. Geological Survey seismic hazard maps show New York City as facing more hazard than many other eastern U.S. areas. Three areas are somewhat more active—northernmost New York State, New Hampshire and South Carolina—but they have much lower populations and fewer structures. The wider forces at work include pressure exerted from continuing expansion of the mid-Atlantic Ridge thousands of miles to the east; slow westward migration of the North American continent; and the area’s intricate labyrinth of old faults, sutures and zones of weakness caused by past collisions and rifting.
Due to New York’s past history, population density and fragile, interdependent infrastructure, a 2001 analysis by the Federal Emergency Management Agency ranks it the 11th most at-risk U.S. city for earthquake damage. Among those ahead: Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle and Portland. Behind: Salt Lake City, Sacramento, Anchorage.
New York’s first seismic station was set up at Fordham University in the 1920s. Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory, in Palisades, N.Y., has operated stations since 1949, and now coordinates a network of about 40.
Dozens of small quakes have been felt in the New York area. A Jan. 17, 2001 magnitude 2.4, centered  in the Upper East Side—the first ever detected in Manhattan itself–may have originated on the 125th Street fault. Some people thought it was an explosion, but no one was harmed.
The most recent felt quake, a magnitude 2.1 on July 28, 2008, was centered near Milford, N.J. Houses shook and a woman at St. Edward’s Church said she felt the building rise up under her feet—but no damage was done.
Questions about the seismic safety of the Indian Point nuclear power plant, which lies amid a metropolitan area of more than 20 million people, were raised in previous scientific papers in 1978 and 1985.
Because the hard rocks under much of New York can build up a lot strain before breaking, researchers believe that modest faults as short as 1 to 10 kilometers can cause magnitude 5 or 6 quakes.
In general, magnitude 3 quakes occur about 10 times more often than magnitude fours; 100 times more than magnitude fives; and so on. This principle is called the Gutenberg-Richter relationship.

US Strikes the Iranian Nuclear Horn: Daniel

The strikes came at the direction of President Joe Biden
The strikes came at the direction of President Joe Biden

US air strikes kill Iran-backed militia fighters in Syria and Iraq

Campbell MacDiarmidSun, June 27, 2021, 6:15 PM·4 min readIn this article:

The United States bombed Iran-backed Iraqi militia targets on the Syrian-Iraq border overnight Monday, in response to drone attacks against American targets in Iraq.

In the second such strike since the inauguration of President Joe Biden in January, the US military said it targeted militia operational and weapons storage facilities at two locations in Syria and one in Iraq.

US defence spokesman John Kirby said that the targets had been used by “Iran-backed militias that are engaged in unmanned aerial vehicle attacks against US personnel and facilities in Iraq.”

One of the facilities targeted had been used to launch and recover the drones, a defence official said.

Kataeb Hezbollah and Kataeb Sayyid al-Shuhada, two Iraqi armed factions with close ties to Tehran, were among the “several Iran-backed militia groups” that had used the facilities, Mr Kirby said.

Pro-Iran Iraqi paramilitary groups promised retaliation after naming four members of the Kataeb Sayyid al-Shuhada militia as being killed in the attack.

President Biden ordered the strikes in response to increasingly frequent and sophisticated attacks on US interests in Iraq. Washington believes the attacks are carried out at the behest of Tehran to increase pressure on Washington amid ongoing negotiations over a potential return to the 2015 nuclear deal.

Washington and Tehran are currently engaged in indirect negotiations over salvaging the agreement between Iran and world powers that former US president Donald Trump abandoned in 2018.

The United States and France warned Iran over the weekend that time was running out to return to the nuclear deal, as concerns grow about Iran’s atomic programming advancing in the meanwhile.

The latest strike suggests the Biden administration is seeking to compartmentalise the ongoing negotiations from wider US responses to Iranian activity and against Iranian proxies.

“The United States took necessary, appropriate, and deliberate action designed to limit the risk of escalation but also to send a clear and unambiguous deterrent message,” Mr Kirby said.

Iran responded with an apparent implied threat, calling on the United States to avoid “creating crisis” in the region.

“Certainly what the United States is doing is disrupting security in the region, and one of the victims of this disruption will be the United States,” Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said on Monday.

The aftermath of US airstrikes on a small group of buildings at an unofficial crossing at the Syria-Iraq border in February - AFP
The aftermath of US airstrikes on a small group of buildings at an unofficial crossing at the Syria-Iraq border in February – AFP

Since late 2019, Iran-backed Iraqi militias have conducted over 300 attacks against US interests in Iraq, causing four US fatalities and about 25 other casualties, according to a Defense Intelligence Agency assessment published in April.

“Iran remains capable of influencing the frequency and intensity of attacks by these groups against US interests in Iraq,” the agency assessed.

President Biden last ordered strikes on Irqi militia targets in Syria in February in response to rocket attacks in Iraq. The February strikes reportedly killed about 20 militiamen, according to a UK-based Syrian war monitor.

Approximately 2,500 US troops remain in Iraq as part of an international coalition against Islamic State group.

There have been at least 40 attacks on US interests in Iraq this year, some of which have been claimed by pro-Iran militias which oppose any US military presence in Iraq and Syria.

Most of the attacks have been against logistics convoys, with 14 rocket attacks against bases hosting US and other foreign personnel.

There have also been at least five attacks by explosive-laden drones since April, two US officials told Reuters. The drone attacks, which are more precise than rocket strikes, have been carefully calibrated to limit damage and casualties that could lead to a wider escalation between Iran and the United States.

The US military believes that drone attacks are now among the most serious threats faced by American troops in Iraq and Syria. The low-flying drones are able to evade detection by American defences installed to counter rocket, artillery and mortar attacks.

The top American commander for the Middle East Marine Gen Frank McKenzie told reporters in May of the growing threat posed by the drones, which are cheap and likely supplied by Iran.

“We’re working very hard to find technical fixes that would allow us to be more effective drones,” Gen McKenzie said at the time, outlining an accelerated programme to combat their threat.

In April a drone dropped explosives near US forces stationed at Erbil airport, causing no casualties but damaging a building. A drone attack in May damaged a hangar at Ain al-Asad base in Anbar province, which houses US Reaper drones. Three days later another drone hit an airfield in Harir in northern Iraq that is used by the US Joint Special Operations Command.

Last week the US seized a number of Iranian state-linked news websites, accusing them of spreading disinformation, shortly after the hardline head of Iran’s judiciary Ebrahim Raisi won presidential elections.

The seized sites included those belonging to the Iranian Islamic Radio and Television Union, which US authorities last year accused of a disinformation campaign to sow discord ahead of the US presidential election, as well as the website site for the pro-Iranian Iraqi militia, Kataeb Hizbollah.

Antichrist demands dismissal of electricity minister

Sadr demands dismissal of electricity minister

Sura Ali@Sura_Ali_Naser

Iraqi cleric Muqtada Sadr delivers a statement in which he backed early elections overseen by the United Nations in Najaf, on 10 February 2021. Photo: AFP via Getty Images/ Ali Najafi

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region — A close associate of prominent Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, Salih Muhammad al-Iraqi, launched a hashtag on Twitter on Sunday calling for the “immediate” dismissal of the minister of electricity, minutes after Sadr’s tweet demanded the minister’s removal due to the deteriorating condition of electricity services.

In a series of tweets, Sadr attributed the poor electric service in Iraq to several causes, the most prominent of which he said was corruption that leads to the waste of electric power. 

Sadr said in a tweet there was an emergency line that provides power at all times to politicians and the affluent. He blamed the poor geographical distribution of power stations and the corruption of the authorities and employees in electrical stations for the difficulties in providing electric power to the general public. 

Sadr also demanded the dismissal of the current Minister of Electricity, Majid Hantoush

“We will not remain silent about this obvious failure, and we will take a stand,” Sadr warned. 

The Iraqi Ministry of Electricity signed a contract on Thursday with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to produce solar energy, the chairman of the Ministerial Council for Energy confirmed in a statement shared by Iraq’s oil ministry. 

The deal, made with the UAE-based Masdar Company, will generate 2000 megawatts of electricity through solar energy projects in central and southern Iraq.

Electricity provision is a problem across Iraq, particularly in the summer months. Power lines are frequently subjected to attacks, usually blamed on the Islamic State (ISIS). Iraq has long suffered from chronic outages and electricity shortages. Such shortages have in past years been a rallying call for protesters, most notably in the summer of 2018.

Sadr has been a vocal supporter of reform and anti-corruption campaigns for years. When anti-government protests broke out in October 2019, he sent members of his Saraya al-Salam militia to protect the demonstrators. But Sadr changed his position later, and his militias were involved in the suppression of the protests.

Hamas continues recruiting child soldiers outside the Temple Walls: Revelation 11

Young Palestinians crawl during a military-style exercise at a Hamas summer camp in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip July 27, 2017. (photo credit: REUTERS)

Hamas continues recruiting child soldiers: Where is the condemnation?

Hamas says the youth need to be ready to make “sacrifices” which appears to be the language used to describe the terrorist group recruiting them to be killed.

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN   JUNE 27, 2021 23:16

Young Palestinians crawl during a military-style exercise at a Hamas summer camp in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip July 27, 2017.(photo credit: REUTERS)AdvertisementHamas is holding its annual summer camps to recruit child soldiers. It provided an explanation in English via a video on its “effort to prepare the youth” this year. It openly said it was preparing them for “training camps” named after the “sword of al-Quds battle,” the name it gave to the war in May against Israel. It said it has been organizing the child-soldier training camps for five years.The terrorist group says the youth need to be ready to make “sacrifices” which appears to be the language used to describe recruiting them to be killed. The speech by Hamas members said the camps include religious indoctrination and “security” training. Some 50,000 children have registered, according to The Jerusalem Post correspondent Khaled Abu Toameh.

During the recent war in Gaza, at least one of the children that authorities in Gaza said had been killed in the fighting was a Hamas member. A report at the time at the Post noted that teenagers undergo “summer camp training” and that militant and terror groups in Gaza have published photos of child soldiers they recruited who appear to be under 18.A report published by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center – and confirmed by Joe Truzman, a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracy’s Long War Journal website, who focuses on terrorist groups in Gaza and the rest of the Middle East – found that at least one the children on the list of those who were killed during last month’s fighting, was a member of a terror group. The children killed in the May fighting received greater attention this year because The New York Times published a front-page story on them with photos of each one.Once it became clear that Hamas had recruited child soldiers to fight in their wars, the questions about the fate of these children took on less urgency among reports that were seeking to highlight their deaths at the hands of Israel. In short, a child killed by an Israeli airstrike is important; a child recruited by Hamas or another terror group and whose life is put at risk receives less attention. There are no front-page stories about Hamas child soldiers who have been recruited.ACCORDING TO UNICEF, the UN agency responsible for providing humanitarian and development aid to children, the recruitment of children is a violation of international humanitarian law. Their website notes that “thousands of children are recruited and used in armed conflicts across the world. Often referred to as ‘child soldiers,’ these boys and girls suffer extensive forms of exploitation and abuse that are not fully captured by that term.Warring parties use children not only as fighters but as scouts, cooks, porters, guards, messengers and more. Many, especially girls, are also subjected to gender-based violence,” the site says.“Children become part of an armed force or group for various reasons. Some are abducted, threatened, coerced or manipulated by armed actors. Others are driven by poverty, compelled to generate income for their families. Still others associate themselves for survival or to protect their communities. No matter their involvement, the recruitment and use of children by armed forces is a grave violation of child rights and international humanitarian law.”A quick search of the UNICEF organization’s website does not appear to show articles focusing on the recruitment of children in Gaza by terrorist organizations. They do, however, have articles on the 28 community-level centers in Gaza that they work with. They note that families often send children to the labor market and that many children are pushed into child marriage, with 29% of girls married before age 18.“Another important part of the UNICEF project is changing practices that perpetuate ad hoc handling of abuse,” the 2016 report says. “Traditionally, some people in the Gaza Strip tried to solve problems of sexual abuse by using informal justice mechanisms instead of bringing cases to court, or would try to justify domestic violence, for example, by using religion.”Five ministries and international and national organizations had signed on at the time for a plan to help protect children. It was not clear if this protection also focused on helping keep rifles out of their hands.It’s known that UNICEF and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) have done programming about youth and children being recruited for war in the past. When I was in Jordan in 2016 at a UN office, there were posters showing a child at a refugee camp looking in the mirror and seeing himself in uniform. The message was that he should not be recruited to fight in Syria.THERE IS an international day devoted to struggling against the use of child soldiers. In February, EU High Representative for Foreign Policy Josep Borrell and Special Representative Virginia Gamba, who is tasked with monitoring children and armed conflict, said the following: “Despite global commitments and efforts, children around the world continue to suffer from the consequences of conflicts and are still being used as expendable fuel of war.”According to the Office of the Special Representative for the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict, tens of thousands of children are recruited and used in conflict. In 2000, the UN General Assembly adopted the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child regarding the involvement of children in armed conflict, to protect children from recruitment and use in hostilities; it entered force in 2002.The protocol, to which Hamas is not a signatory, includes commitments for states not to recruit children under 18. It also notes that “armed groups distinct from the armed forces of a country should not, under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities anyone under 18. Human rights law declares 18 as the minimum legal age for recruitment and use of children in hostilities.“Recruiting and using children under the age of 15 as soldiers is prohibited under international humanitarian law – treaty and custom – and is defined as a war crime by the International Criminal Court,” according to the Special Representative’s website. “Parties to conflict that recruit and use children are listed by the Secretary-General in the annexes of his annual report on children and armed conflict.”ACCORDING TO the section on Israel and Palestine, there is focus on children being harmed in the conflict. It notes “two incidents of children recruited by al-Qassam Brigades; continued allegations of attempts to recruit detained Palestinian children as informants; [and a] high number of children killed and maimed, including through the use of live ammunition during law enforcement operations.”It would appear that the first section relates to children recruited by Hamas, but it only notes two incidents, not the tens of thousands of children sent to militant summer camps.The representative does recommend the “al-Qassam Brigades to cease the recruitment and use of children, and to abide by its domestic and international legal obligations; Palestinian armed groups to protect children, including by preventing them from being exposed to the risk of violence or by abstaining from instrumentalizing them for political purposes; all parties to engage with the United Nations, including at the country level, to end and prevent grave violations against children and to better protect children and respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law.”This would indicate that Hamas has been noted at least once for its recruitment, although the name “Hamas” is hidden behind the “Qassam Brigades,” which is its “armed” unit. However, when referring to countries, the UN doesn’t blame the army for recruitment, but the country itself. It is unclear why, when it comes to Hamas, only the armed unit is mentioned.Other generalized statements on the website of the representative can be found relating to calling on all sides to protect children. There was a push last year to raise awareness about the recruitment of child soldiers by Palestinian groups. However, there does not appear to be much emphasis on the issue this year, and Hamas and other terrorist group training camps appear to come and go as if they are a normal activity, as opposed to an invitation to recruit children for war. This appears to be a violation of international law.

Crimes of the Iranian Nuclear Horn: Daniel 8:4

NBC Weapons: Centrifuge Crimes

NUCLEAR, BIOLOGICAL AND CHEMICAL WEAPONS

June 27, 2021: At the end of May, the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) issued its quarterly report containing details of IAEA examinations of Iranian uranium enrichment activity at their two underground nuclear fuel enrichment facilities. One of these is at Natanz. The report covered Natanz operations between February and May, including production 54 days before the April 11th explosion and 40 days after it. The explosion was the result of a carefully planned intelligence operation carried out by Israel. Iran initially called the explosion an accident. Within a week Iran admitted the explosion was an attack and did major damage to their new high-performance nuclear enrichment (turning uranium into weapons grade material) equipment. IAEA inspectors were allowed to view the damage and the recent IAEA report provides details of Natanz operations before and after the April 11th explosion. IAEA found that between February and May 335.7 kg (738.5 pounds) of uranium ore enriched to five percent of Uranium 235. Unenriched uranium ore is only about .7 percent U-235. Uranium enrichment is a process that increases the content of Uranium 235 in uranium ore sufficiently so that it can be used as power plant fuel or for a nuclear weapon. For a power plant 5-10 percent enrichment is needed. Anything over 20 percent enriched can be used for a nuclear bomb. The most effective and reliable nuclear weapons use 80-90 percent enriched nuclear material. Natanz was producing 107 kg of five percent enriched uranium a month. Iran had threatened to enrich some uranium to 60 percent, Previously the highest Iran had gone was 20 percent. IAEA believes Iran had only produced 2.4 kg of 60 percent enriched uranium so far. A nuclear weapon would require at least 40 kg of 60 percent enriched uranium.

Iran was already hard at work repairing the damage at Natanz, their most modern and productive enrichment facility. The other enrichment facility is at Fordow and is also underground. Together these two facilities operate 5,060 centrifuges and Iran has another 13,000 centrifuges in storage to replace those that wear out or are lost to accidents, deliberate sabotage or attacks.

The April 2021 attack on Natanz caused massive equipment failure and damage on a scale similar to the 2010 attack carried out with software designed to get into the heavily guarded Natanz compound, and the computer-controlled equipment there. Later analysis indicated that the deep-underground (about 50 meters, or 155 feet) plant was effectively destroyed by the 2021 explosion. The target was its thousands of centrifuges. Israeli hackers got to the centrifuges in 2010 via a computer worm hack called Stuxnet. A worm is malware (hacker software) that gets into target systems via stealth and physical media like USB thumb drives. Stuxnet was released four or five years before it got to Natanz, apparently via a USB drive containing the normally invisible (to most users) malware. Once that USB drive is used on any local or Internet network connected computer, Stuxnet automatically copies itself onto all computers connected to the network. On each computer, especially industrial microprocessors that are used to control equipment, Stuxnet checked for centrifuge control software unique to the Natanz facility. When finally found in 2010, Stuxnet proceeded to modify the centrifuge control software to mimic known types of equipment failure and did so gradually. By the time the Natanz system operators discovered something was very, very wrong, thousands of their expensive new centrifuges were damaged so badly that they had to be replaced. The 2021 attack on Natanz used a different approach, because the Iranians had spent a lot of time, effort and money to prevent another Stuxnet attack.

The 2021 attack required several years of preparation. The Israelis first got the technical details of the Natanz electrical system as well as details of the new generation of centrifuges Iran installed there. The Israeli plan was to use explosives placed and detonated where it would shut down the primary and back-up power systems when the maximum number of new centrifuges were powered up and vulnerable to severe damage if the main power and backup power systems failed simultaneously. The explosives were placed correctly and went off on time. The result was Natanz again suffered major centrifuge loss that will take months to get back into production again and over a year to completely fix.

Then there are the needed security upgrades, which are uncertain until Iran can find out more about exactly how the attack was carried out. They knew a lot of explosives had been involved but were unsure of how the attacker figured out how and where to place them without being discovered. To aid in solving that mystery Iran went public with details, and the name of a suspected key operative. Iran is looking for Reza Karimi, a 43-year-old Iranian who left the country several days before the attack. There are probably other Iranians involved as well as the suspected Israel Mossad agents who came to Iran and worked with a growing number of Iranians seeking to overthrow their current religious dictatorship. The Iranians have been seeking more of these “Mossad Iranians” since the 2018 Mossad operation in the capital when a heavily protected warehouse containing top-secret documents was located by Mossad covertly entered, half a ton of documents on the Iranian nuclear program were removed and 24 hours later showed up in Israel. Until now Iran denied that the Mossad operation took place and that the documents were real. Since 2018 Israel has allowed foreign intel and nuclear program experts to examine the documents and that led to international acceptance of the documents as authentic.

Iran is desperate to get hold of Reza Karimi and, to help with that, they televised what looked like an Interpol (international police) “Red Notice”. To obtain a Red Notice, a country must provide sufficient evidence that the suspect is indeed so dangerous that Interpol will request that the many nations that work with Interpol will accept the Red Notice and look for and arrest Karimi. The televised Red Notice could not be found on the Interpol website and Interpol had not agreed to the Iranian Red Notice request. Iran is a habitual abuser of the Red Notice and often requests a Red Notice for people and crimes they know they cannot produce sufficient documentation to justify.

There were no casualties at Natanz, which was a deliberate part of the attack plan. As a result, many Iranians supported the attack and the many Iranians living outside their homeland openly expressed their hostile attitude towards the Iranian nuclear program.

The two attacks on Natanz were very damaging to Iranian claims that they do not have a nuclear weapons program. In the aftermath of both attacks it became clear that Iran was using powerful new centrifuge designs to create nuclear material that was far more refined (above 20 percent) than needed for a nuclear power plant. Iran needs a lot of nuclear material refined to 90 percent to make nuclear weapons. The data Mossad made public in 2018 and the aftermath of the 2021 attack demonstrate that Iran is still seeking nuclear weapons.

The growing number of Mossad operations in Iran has led to public criticism, often by the senior clerics who actually rule the country. There has been more of this public criticism in Iran because the government has, for decades, devoted major resources to “destroying Israel.” That effort has consistently, and often spectacularly failed, at great cost to Iran. This makes the religious dictatorship, look like incompetent and frauds because these senior clerics always insisted, they were doing God’s Work. The latest Mossad attack made a lot more Iranians realize that the Mossad was apparently entrenched inside Iran and finding more Iranians willing to work with Mossad against projects many Iranians agreed were endangering and impoverishing Iran, and a major cause of the declining living standards and growing crackdowns by the IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) and police. The IRGC knew that the Israelis had been successful at establishing a clandestine Mossad presence in Arab nations but thought Iranians were too sophisticated for that. That might have been the case for Iranians who trusted their government. That trust began to erode decades ago and even the IRGC, in one of its recent “actual public opinion” reports to the religious leadership, revealed that most Iranians now hated their government and many were also fed up with Islam. Which brings us to the present, as Iranian leaders realize that many Iranians are willingly and effectively working with the enemy.

Iran is trying to portray itself to foreigners as the innocent victim of Israeli aggression. Iranians insist that Natanz was only producing enriched uranium suitable for power plant fuel. But recent IAEA reports describe evidence that Iran is seeking to develop a nuclear bomb and need highly (to 90 percent purity) uranium for that. The foreigners are not as easy to deceive as before but more questions are being asked about Natanz. Inside Iran the “accidental” fire at Natanz in mid-2020, described as a construction accident, is now being revisited as details of how Mossad agents inside Natanz got 150 kg of explosives into the underground complex and managed to hide them, and their remote-control detonators, where they would not be found and would do maximum damage when detonated.

Even before this bold Israeli attack on Natanz, Iran was violating the IAEA inspection requirements for the 2015 treaty that lifted the Iranian economic sanctions. Since Natanz Iran has announced further restrictions on the IAEA and is demanding that full compliance with the 2015 treaty be restored before Iran will negotiate the restoration of the IAEA inspections. This is unacceptable to the United States, where a new government came to power in early 2021 and announced it was willing to rejoin the 2015 treaty that the previous government had suspended in 2017 because Iran was cheating on the nuclear weapons restrictions of the 2015 treaty. Those accusations proved to be true and Iran is not changing its negotiating tactics.

The Horror of the American Nuclear Horn: Daniel 7

Phil Harrison on a trail in the Lukachukai Mountain range; Navajo men used the trail in the 1940s through the 1980s to get to the uranium mines. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS

The US Nuclear Weapons Program Left ‘a Horrible Legacy’ of Environmental Destruction and Death Across the Navajo Nation

Navajo uranium miners have died of lung cancer and other respiratory illnesses. They weren’t told of the risks, and they want compensation for radiation exposure continued.

By Cheyanne M. Daniels, Amanda RookerJune 27, 2021Phil Harrison views a uranium loading bin left behind from the mining era, which stretched from the 1940s to the 1980s. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS

Phil Harrison views a uranium loading bin left behind from the mining era, which stretched from the 1940s to the 1980s. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS

COVE CHAPTER, Ariz.—Phil Harrison walks the Lukachukai mountain range that towers over the Cove Chapter of the Navajo Nation in northeast Arizona. The mountains rise against a clear blue sky, and the red sand is dotted with sagebrush and flowers.

On a clear, warm day in May, he pauses, picks up a sprig of sagebrush and rubs it between his hands. “This is good medicine; it restores your brain,” he says.  

He brings the crushed sage to his nose and inhales the sharp scent, holding out his hand and showing the green leaves in his palm. “Boil it, run it through a filter and you can drink that and it restores your memory, provides youth,” he says, then drops the sage and adds, “but I don’t know if this is contaminated.” 

He shakes his head and moves on.

Despite the stunning beauty of the 27,000-square-mile Navajo Nation, which encompasses parts of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah, the land is marred by a toxic history: a “horrible legacy” of uranium mining and processing that began in 1944, with the U.S. nuclear weapons program and has slowly killed Navajo miners and their families, littered the land with 523 abandoned mines and tainted pristine aquifers with radioactive ore and the dry air with radioactive dust. 

It’s a legacy Harrison is intimately familiar with.

Harrison, 70, and his father Phil Harrison Sr., were both uranium miners. Harrison worked in the mines for only three months, but his father worked there for 20 years and died at 44 from lung cancer. The 1990 Radiation Exposure Compensation Act presumes that an increased incidence of lung cancer and other respiratory illnesses among the miners was caused by large doses of radiation and other airborne hazards they were exposed to. 

The Navajo fought for years to have this law enacted. To date, $2.5 billion in benefits have been paid out to 37,000 claimants—uranium miners and so-called “downwinders” affected by nuclear weapons testing in the 1950s and 1960s at the Nevada Test Site, 65 miles northwest of Las Vegas. 

Now, with the law scheduled to “sunset” in July 2022, another reckoning is at hand, as Harrison and other Navajo activists, downwinders, Catholic leaders and peace and environmental organizations like the Union of Concerned Scientists lobby Congress to extend the act and add new beneficiaries. Those include all uranium miners who have come down with cancer or respiratory illnesses since 1972 and thousands of additional downwinders in Nevada and Arizona.

“The tragic legacy of uranium mining on the Navajo Nation continues to this day, perhaps to an extent that would not have occurred if it weren’t taking place in a rural American Indian community,” Navajo Nation President Jonathan Nez told a House Judiciary subcommittee in March. In prior testimony, he referred to the Navajo’s “horrible legacy,” and said that “past uranium activity has devastated Navajo families, traditions, and our Mother Earth.”

With the Biden administration making environmental racism a top priority, and pressure building to extend the radiation compensation act, an international campaign is gaining momentum to make “ecocide”—systematic and longlasting environmental devastation—a crime, like genocide, before the Internaitonal Criminal Court in the Hague. 

The United States is not among the 123 member nations of the court and thus would not be subject to sanction for environmental destruction in America, should ecocide eventually become a crime, in a process that could take seven years or more. But ecocide’s champions say that making it an international crime would have a powerful moral impact by associating environmental destruction with genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes that are an affront to humanity at large. 

In their 1995 book “Ecocide of Native America: Environmental Destruction of Indian Lands and Peoples,” Donald A. Grinde Jr. and Bruce E. Johansen wrote that Kerr-McGee opened the first uranium mine on the Navajo Nation in 1948: 

“There were no taxes at the time, no health, safety or pollution regulations, and few other jobs for the many Navajos recently home from service in World War II,” they wrote. “Labor was cheap. Thirty years after mining began, an increasing number of deaths from lung cancer made evident the fact Kerr-McGee had held miners’ lives as cheaply as their labor. As Navajo miners continued to die, children who played in water that had flowed over or through abandoned mines and tailing piles came home with burning sores.” 

Harrison, who is president of the Navajo Radiation Victims Committee, an organization of Navajo activists that began in the 1970s, grew up in that world, with his father and many of his father’s cousins working in the mines. “They all died,” he said. “I think there’s like 10 of them that died from lung disease.” 

On his morning walk, he gestures to an empty expanse of grass in the Cover Chapter where there used to be homes, including his family’s. 

“This was … happy homes, one time,” he said. “And now they’re all passed. It’s really sad to go back over there.”

Harrison points into the distance, where a few houses can be seen. “Probably around 300 miners from this area alone have passed on from lung disease or lung cancer,” Harrison said. “The fathers are gone from this area. … So it’s just the widows and the kids.” 

‘Strong Evidence’ Links Uranium Mining to Lung Cancer

Uranium mining began in the Southwest in 1944, when the United States no longer wanted to depend on foreign sourcing of the uranium that was needed for nuclear research and weapons development as part of the Manhattan Project, the secret World War II effort to develop the atomic bomb. The federal government was the sole purchaser of uranium ore until 1971, but private companies operated the mines.

Navajo miners were not fully informed about the dangers of uranium mining specifically, despite the fact that scientists had concluded by the late 1930s that uranium mining caused lung cancer, even if debate existed about exactly why, according to a 2002 study published in the American Journal of Public Health. The miners were not informed about the potential risks of their work.

The investigation focused on white miners, although mortality rates were reported for non-white miners. One study looked at 3,238 white miners, while a second involved 757 non-whites, mainly Navajos. The studies were performed without the consent of the workers. 

In both white and non-white cohorts, “strong evidence” was found for an increased incidence of lung cancer. In the study of 757 non-white miners, 10 deaths were expected, but 34 were documented, meaning researchers found more than three times the number of lung cancer deaths than they expected. https://player.vimeo.com/video/565787907?dnt=1&app_id=122963

Tommy Reed, 64, a member of the Navajo Radiation Victims Committee who began working in a uranium mine when he was in high school, said his father was one of the Navajo miners studied. 

“They studied my father and a lot of the men …  and ladies that were in the mines there,” Reed said. “My dad, like many other men that were (miners), spent nine months on a ventilator. How much more of our story can cut deep, where one can comprehend the struggle that we have?”

For Reed, extending the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act isn’t to place blame but to ensure that other miners, uranium workers and downwinders are compensated for illnesses related to radiation exposure. But if he had to place blame, Reed said, he would point to the federal agencies that allowed the mining to take place and the related illnesses to go undiagnosed and untreated. 

“They knew, and they had numbers on them. They studied, it’s on the books, there were human experimentations,” said Reed.

“We’re just five-finger people,” he said, using a Navajo word for human beings. “But these five-finger people are the ones that they relied on, the people that are most expendable.” 

In response to this legacy of environmental destruction, death and racism, the Navajo Nation Council passed the Diné Natural Resources Protection Act in 2005 to mandate that “no further damage to the culture, society and economy of the Navajo Nation occurs because of uranium processing until all adverse economic, environmental and human health effects from past uranium mining” have been eliminated or substantially reduced. 

Radioactive Waste Contaminates the Land and Water

Uranium is recovered from the earth in two ways. The first is conventional mining of the ore, in which miners dig the rock out of open pits that strip away the topsoil. The second, which is the most common extraction method in the United States, pumps chemicals into groundwater to dissolve uranium from the rock, known as “situ leaching.”

After the extraction, the ore is taken to mills, where it is crushed, ground up and dissolved to be solidified, dried and packaged.

Regardless of the extraction method, mining and milling uranium leaves behind radioactive waste that contaminates water and the land, according to the Environmental Protection Agency. Waste from open pit mines is often left in piles outside the mine, while tailings from the milling process remain radioactive and contain hazardous chemicals. 

“Wind can blow radioactive dust from the wastes into populated areas and the wastes can contaminate surface water used for drinking. Some sites also have considerable groundwater contamination,” according to the EPA website. 

The EPA is conducting water studies at three areas on the reservation that have been affected by historical mining to “inform future investigations and potential cleanups by EPA and private parties.”

A view from atop Lukachukai Mountain of an old uranium mine in the Navajo Nation, sealed off by the Environmental Protection Agency, and a pile of mining waste next to it. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS
A view from atop Lukachukai Mountain of an old uranium mine in the Navajo Nation, sealed off by the Environmental Protection Agency, and a pile of mining waste next to it. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS

The Journal of Contemporary Water Research & Education said in a June 2020 study that while high concentrations of uranium and arsenic may be found naturally in some areas, contamination is “especially troublesome on the Navajo Nation, where past (uranium) mining activity may have contaminated water supplies.”

Out of 82 unregulated wells sampled for the study, nine exceeded the maximum contaminant level for drinking water standards for uranium and 14 exceeded standards for arsenic. Because of these contaminants, a study published by the Journal of Vacuum Science & Technology in March 2020 found that nearly 30 percent of Navajo homes had to rely on hauling water to meet their needs.

The lack of drinking water affects not only the Navajo living on the reservation, but their livestock and land usability, as well.

The EPA began investigating the effects of the uranium mines in the Cove region in January 2015, after a settlement from Tronox, a company spun off from Kerr-McGee in 2006, provided almost $4.4 billion for cleanup of more than 50 abandoned uranium mines. Forty-two of the mines are on or near the Navajo Nation, which received $45 million in the settlement, and 32 are in the Cove area, where more than 7 million tons of ore were mined, according to the EPA

The funds allowed for the assessment and cleanup of 230 of the 523 abandoned uranium mines across the reservation, which is ongoing. In the Northern Abandoned Uranium Mine Region, where the Cove Chapter is located, 121 of the 229 mines are targeted in the cleanup process.

Kerr-McGee was among the companies that extracted a total of 30 million tons of uranium ore from the Navajo land from 1944 until 1986. In his testimony in March before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, Nez, the Navajo Nation president, said that “not a single one” of the 523 abandoned mines on Navajo lands “has been cleaned up properly.” 

Leslie Begay, a 65-year-old Marine Corps veteran and former uranium miner living in New Mexico, has traveled to Washington multiple times to testify before Congress. It’s an impressive feat because he carries a heavy oxygen tank with him everywhere, the result of his time working in the mines.

In 2015, when his granddaughter visited Begay and told him he looked sick, he went to the local hospital for help. Lacking the specialists he needed, he was flown to a hospital in Albuquerque. Three weeks later, he received a diagnosis. He never went back to work.

“I was doing good. I was happy. That one day, everything was gone. I got a problem that’s called interstitial lung disease, which I had encountered from uranium mining,” said Begay, who was finally approved for a lung transplant last month, after a long wait. 

Begay, who is also a member of the Navajo Radiation Victims Committee, said he was never told of the health consequences that could arise if he took a job in the mines, just that it was a job, an opportunity. Now, in addition to using 26 oxygen tanks a week, Begay takes a host of medications and monitors his oxygen levels with an oximeter, a small device that clips onto his finger. 

“We’re in a very difficult situation,” he said, speaking for himself and other Navajo miners facing major illnesses. “But the government is responsible for this. They need to acknowledge us.”

Extending the Radiation Exposure Compensation Activity

The pending legislation for extending and expanding the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, Navajo leaders and other proponents said, would acknowledge the suffering of miners like Begay. 

Facing an uncertain future in a deeply divided Congress, the bill speaks to the enormity of the disaster wrought by uranium mining and weapons testing on the Navajo Nation and many others. Rep. Steve Cohen (D-Tenn.), chairman of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties has called it “a national shame.” 

The bill would extend the current July 10, 2022 deadline for filing claims, and make miners and mine workers who worked after 1971, when U.S. government procurement of uranium ended, eligible for compensation, along with additional categories of mine workers and Department of Energy mine remediation specialists like Harrison. 

Phil Harrison and members of the Navajo Uranium Radiation Committee meeting with the Laguna Pueblo tribe to discuss lobbying plans to get Congress to extend the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, which is set to expire in 2022. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS
Phil Harrison and members of the Navajo Uranium Radiation Committee meeting with the Laguna Pueblo tribe to discuss lobbying plans to get Congress to extend the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, which is set to expire in 2022. Credit: Cheyanne M. Daniels/MNS

It would expand benefits to cover prostate and uterine cancer, in addition to lung and kidney failure. It would include all those who lived downwind from test sites who can show they suffered from these and other covered diseases in Idaho, Colorado, Montana, Nevada, Utah and Guam, recognizing the 106 atomic weapons tests the United States conducted at various locations in the Pacific. 

The measure also would increase maximum compensation from $100,000 to $200,000. Under the current law, pre-1972 miners and other uranium workers are eligible for $100,000; on-site participants in nuclear tests can receive $75,000; and those who lived downwind from the Nevada Test Site are eligible for $50,000.  

Harrison said he has no idea how much gamma radiation he and his fellow miners were exposed to. After finishing high school, he enlisted in the Air Force in 1970, right before he learned his father was ill. 

After several years on active duty, Harrison switched to the Air Force Reserve and left the military in 1976. He returned to mining operations as a Department of Energy civil engineer and technologist in Tuba City, Arizona. For two years, Harrison mapped where contaminated materials were stored underground. Then, in 1999, he got sick. 

“I had a rash all over my body,” said Harrison. “I don’t know what was happening. I went to a clinic and I got examined in November of 1999. A week later … they told me that my kidneys were failing. Both of them.” 

Harrison was told he needed dialysis and, eventually, an artificial kidney. He was 50. 

The Environmental Protection Agency has found that contact with uranium can cause kidney damage. Harrison said industrial hygienists and medical consultants conducted investigations into his work for the Department of Energy and concluded that he had been exposed to seven different toxic substances that led to his kidney failure. 

When he applied for medical compensation, however, he was rejected. He was told he hadn’t worked underground long enough during his three months as a miner to be eligible. The new language in the bill would extend and expand RECA to cover him and other workers, as well as downwinders. 

Harrison also said the amount of compensation should be increased from $100,000 to at least $200,000 to sufficiently cover health costs and lost wages. 

“They develop these criteria, where it’s really hard to qualify,” Harrison said. “I don’t think there’s a price that’s for loss of life. People are deprived of their livelihood. My dad would have lived another 40, 50 years. And then as far as income is concerned, he would have probably earned about another $800,000.”

Sen. Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.), long an ally in Congress of Harrison’s Navajo Uranium Radiation Victims Committee, has said that failure to extend the law and include additional uranium workers and downwinders would be a monumental injustice. “Many families back in New Mexico, including Navajo women (and) elders, have said in committee and have shared with me, ‘What are people waiting in Washington waiting for? For us to all die so that the problem goes away?’” said Luján. “That’s profound and what I’m hoping is that we can build more support to get this across the finish line.”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has supported the bill, which Luján said he has brought to the attention of President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris. Still, some members of Congress oppose the extension. 

Some of the opposition, Luján explained, comes from the price tag, which is unknown but could be billions of additional dollars.  

“Some of our colleagues, they say, “It costs too much.”’ said Luján. “And I understand that this is an expensive piece of legislation. But nobody asked these families if they were willing to die to mine uranium.” 

Cheyanne M. Daniels

Cheyanne M. Daniels is a graduate student at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, where she specializes in politics, policy and foreign affairs reporting. Cheyanne is the Research Scholar in the inaugural class of Notre Dame’s Journalism, Ethics and Democracy Institute. She earned a Bachelor of Arts in journalism from North Central College, where she served as News Editor at The Chronicle News Magazine and NCClinked. For those news sites, she interviewed congresswomen, gubernatorial candidates and community organizers.

Amanda Rooker

Amanda Rooker

Amanda Rooker is a graduate student at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, specializing in politics, policy and foreign affairs. Currently, Amanda covers politics for Medill News Service. Her work has taken her across the globe, having reported on environmental issues in Cuba, the Iowa Caucus in Iowa City and local politics, immigration and legal affairs in Chicago. As an undergraduate students at Northwestern, she conducted research on education as a Farrell Fellow and studied the European Union in Paris. She earned a bachelor’s degree from Northwestern University.

Nukes on the Black Market: Revelation 8

Uranium for nuclear bombs is sold on the black market in India

New Delhi, June 27, 2021

The President of Pakistan, Dr. Arif Alvi has made a serious allegation that the uranium used to make atomic bombs is being sold in the black market in India.

He appealed to the international community to pay attention to the sale of uranium on the black market in India. Such radioactive material may fall into the wrong hands, threatening the security of the people and the country as well. The international media has ignored it. which can have serious consequences.

Alvi made the remarks in a meeting with military officials from 12 countries, in which he talked about Pakistan’s victory in the war on terrorism. The Pakistani President claimed that the Pakistan Army had successfully launched an anti-terrorist operation against the terrorists. The war against Pakistan cost Pakistan ₹150 billion.

However, the President refrained from mentioning that terrorist organizations have flourished in Pakistan and said that Pakistan is making efforts to restore peace in Afghanistan as well. Pakistan has been affected by instability in Afghanistan.

Illegal uranium was seized in Mumbai last month and there was a stir in Pakistan. Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry said that there should be a proper investigation into the incident. Mumbai Police arrested two people with seven kilograms of uranium.