The History Of New York Earthquakes: Before The Sixth Seal (Rev 6:12)

Historic Earthquakes

Near New York City, New York

1884 08 10 19:07 UTC

Magnitude 5.5

Intensity VII

USGS.gov

This severe earthquake affected an area roughly extending along the Atlantic Coast from southern Maine to central Virginia and westward to Cleveland, Ohio. Chimneys were knocked down and walls were cracked in several States, including Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania. Many towns from Hartford, Connecticut, to West Chester,Pennsylvania.

Property damage was severe at Amityville and Jamaica, New York, where several chimneys were “overturned” and large cracks formed in walls. Two chimneys were thrown down and bricks were shaken from other chimneys at Stratford (Fairfield County), Conn.; water in the Housatonic River was agitated violently. At Bloomfield, N.J., and Chester, Pa., several chimneys were downed and crockery was broken. Chimneys also were damaged at Mount Vernon, N.Y., and Allentown, Easton, and Philadelphia, Pa. Three shocks occurred, the second of which was most violent. This earthquake also was reported felt in Vermont, Virginia, and Washington, D.C. Several slight aftershocks were reported on August 11.

The Antichrist Consolidates His Power (Revelation 13)

Muqtada al-Sadr encourages project for Iraqis to hand over weapons to state

Iraqis inspect the aftermath of an explosion in Baghdad’s Sadr City district on June 7, 2018. Photo: Ahmad al-Rubaye | AFP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region — Following deadly attacks in Baghdad’s Sadr City, popular Iraq Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr proposed a project for all factions to hand over weapons to the state.

“[I]n dedication of exclusively strengthening the army and police, I call for the initiation of disarmament and handing them over to the Iraqi state,” read a statement released by Sadr on Friday.

Two explosions rocked the Sadr City district of Baghdad near a Shiite mosque on Wednesday night. Reuters reported at least 18 people were killed and more than 90 were wounded.

Sadr initially condemned the explosions, as it was unclear whether there was an attack or a Sadr weapons cache exploded.

In a gesture of “good faith” Sadr on Friday called on the forces in the Iraqi Army and those under Interior Minister Qasim al-Araji “to start the campaign after the Eid to announce Sadr City as a disarmed city, and then implement that for the rest of areas.”

Sadr is an outspoken Shiite cleric whose Sayirun list garnered the most votes in Iraq’s parliamentary election on May 12. He partnered with Iraq’s communist party and campaigned on ending corruption while appealing to the disenfranchised.

“I advise for the weapons to be sold to improve areas, and for arms and money be in the hands of a trustworthy government,” he added.

Iraq’s capital has many checkpoints. However, Sadr sees the need for better coordination between Iraq’s security institutions which are fragmented between local police forces, federal police in the interior ministry, the army and its specialized forces, paramilitary units and various militias.

Sadr’s solution is “not through checkpoints and the militarization of cities, but through intelligence and the cooperation of the residents with the security forces and notifying them of breaches.”

Sadr, himself, led the Mahdi Army during the insurgency in the 2000s. He went to Iran, and then returned during the ISIS conflict to lead Saraya al-Salam in 2014.

The group sometimes fought alongside Hashd al-Shaabi, the largest group within the Popular Mobilization Forces, which were recognized by the Iraqi parliament in December 2016 and officially put under the command of Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.

Abadi’s list finished third in the election behind Sadr and Hadi al-Amiri’s Fatih Alliance. Amiri has great influence within the Hashd, who outnumber Iraq’s formal military forces.

The results of the election are currently contested by a majority of incumbent MPs and the current government. They have announced a full manual recount of ballots nationwide, and the annulment of the diaspora, IDP, and Kurdistan Region security forces’ votes.

The Truth About Iran’s “Peaceful” Nuclear Program

By Callum Wood • June 8

Iran confronting Israel directly

For years, Iran has indirectly targeted Israel through terrorist proxies including Hamas and Hezbollah. The first direct confrontation between the two nations occurred on February 10. That’s when an Iranian drone penetrated Israeli airspace from Syria and was shot down by an Israel Defense Forces attack helicopter. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokesman Brig. Gen. Ronen Manelis said on April 13 that “the aircraft was carrying explosives” to conduct “an act of sabotage in Israeli territory.”

“This is the first time we saw Iran do something against Israel—not by proxy,” a senior Israeli military official told New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman. “This opened a new period” (April 15). David Horovitz wrote in the Times of Israel that the event shows that the Iranian regime is “now sufficiently emboldened as to directly attack Israel” (April 14).

Four days before Manelis’s announcement, the IDF bombed the T4 military base, striking the drone operations center that had launched the February 10 drone and killing seven Iranians. According to Israeli military sources, Iran had been building it into a fully functional air base with the ability to launch surface-to-air missiles at Israeli targets.

“We are facing a new reality,” said Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman. “[T]he Lebanese Army, in cooperation with Hezbollah, the Syrian Army, the Shiite militias in Syria and above them Iran—are all becoming a single front against the State of Israel.”

The Bible indicates that Iran, the end-time “king of the south” of Daniel 11:40, will soon trigger a severe crisis in Israel—indirectly via the Palestinians and possibly directly. Read about it in Jerusalem in Prophecy.

March of Return

For six weeks, thousands of Palestinians protested on the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel during what Hamas called the “Great March of Return.”

The protests began March 30 and ended on May 15, which is known by Arabs as Nakba Day (“Catastrophe Day”). It is the anniversary of the day following the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. During their demonstrations, Palestinian rioters flung stones, rolled burning tires and flew kites with incendiary attachments and tried to cross the border into Israeli territory.

Israeli security forces killed more than 100 protesters and injured more than 7,000 others. Most of these protesters were not defenseless or innocent; they were terrorists or Hamas operatives and Palestinians who agreed with the goals of Hamas or were coerced by Hamas to the front lines of the riots.

May 14 was the day that the United States moved its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

“World events from today to the end of this age are going to revolve around Jerusalem,” wrote Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry in his August 2012 article “Watch Jerusalem!” “This city is going to be the very epicenter of all major events in the future.” The Bible prophesies that half of Jerusalem will fall to the Arabs. When that happens, Mr. Flurry wrote, “it will be like dominoes falling one after the other: one biblically prophesied event after another. This is all going to happen very fast and very violently, so you need to watch Jerusalem.”

During a televised address from Israel Defense Forces headquarters on April 30, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu revealed a captured Iranian “atomic archive” of nuclear weapons information showing just how close Iran is to creating weapons of mass destruction.

According to Netanyahu, Israeli intelligence captured the stash of 100,000 files from a hidden warehouse in Tehran. He said the archive proved the following: “First, Iran lied about never having a nuclear weapons program. … Second, even after the deal, Iran continued to preserve and expand its nuclear weapons know-how for future use. Why would a terrorist regime hide and meticulously catalogue its secret nuclear files, if not to use them at a later date? Third, Iran lied again in 2015 when it didn’t come clean to the [International Atomic Energy Agency], as required by the nuclear deal. And finally, the JCPOA [Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action] nuclear deal, is based on lies … Iranian lies and Iranian deception.”

Netanyahu also warned about Iran’s ballistic missiles and secret nuclear weapons programs, which the JCPOA did not address.

Netanyahu’s exposé was not entirely surprising: Negotiators of the deal obliquely acknowledged that Iran constantly lies about its nuclear ambitions when they conceded that the JCPOA was “not based on trust.” What most of them fail to acknowledge is how devoted Iran’s top leaders are to a clash of civilizations.

In his September 2015 article “Negotiating Human Survival,” Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry wrote: “Though many don’t realize it yet, the Western world—and especially America—has been humiliated through this deal. … Instead of trusting people based on what they say, the Bible says we should ‘know them by their fruits’ (Matthew 7:16). Iran’s fruits show it will violate this next agreement. But this time, the stakes are much higher. … No words will stop this king of terror [Iran] because he believes he has a religious duty to bring upon the world a nuclear cataclysm so his messiah can return.”

Israeli troops open fire outside the temple walls (Revelation 11:2)

Israeli troops open fire on Gaza protesters

Gaza medics have said four people have been killed and some 600 wounded during rallies along the border fence. The demonstrations coincided with Al-Quds Day, an anti-Israeli day of protests held across the Middle East.

Friday’s anti-Israeli Al-Quds Day demonstrations turned violent along the Gaza border, as Israeli soldiers opened fire on Palestinian protesters.

More than 600 Palestinians were reportedly wounded as protesters came under Israeli gunfire as they headed to the Gaza fence. According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, at least four Palestinians were killed, including a 15-year-old.

The demonstrations in Gaza were organized by Hamas, the Islamic militant group ruling the blockaded Palestinian enclave. Gaza residents were urged to head to the perimeter fence on the Israeli border after noon prayers. The call was issued through mosques and loudspeakers mounted on cars that toured Gaza neighborhoods.

Several protesting Palestinians also donned uniforms similar to those worn by Jewish prisoners in World War Two. Ahmed Abu Artima told the AP news agency: “We want to remind the world that the Israeli occupation is committing the same massacres that the Nazis committed.”

Denying, trivializing or mocking the Holocaust is not uncommon in the Muslim world.

Demonstrators burned US and Israeli flags during Al-Quds Day protests in Tehran

The UN General Assembly on Friday announced it will hold an emergency meeting next Wednesday at 3:00 p.m. (19:00 GMT) to vote on an Arab-backed resolution on Gaza, according to a letter from the body’s president Miroslav Lajcak to the 193 member states.

A number of Arab and Muslim countries had called for the session after the United States vetoed a resolution condemning Israel at the UN Security Council last week.

Al-Quds Day protests

The annual Al-Quds Day demonstrations see hundreds of thousands of people across the Middle East protest Israeli control of Jerusalem. Marches were also held in several other Middle East cities, including Damascus, Tehran and Baghdad.

Al-Quds is Arabic for Jerusalem. Protests have been held every year since the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini declared the last Friday of the fasting month of Ramadan as a day to demonstrate the importance of Jerusalem to Muslims.

This year’s protests come at a particularly sensitive time. US President Donald Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the Israeli capital and relocate the US embassy prompted mass unrest across the Muslim world. Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa mosque is the third-holiest site in Islam, after the Saudi cities of Mecca and Medina. Palestinians see the eastern part of the city as the capital of their future state.

Since late March, Palestinians have held regular marches up to the border fence separating Gaza and Israel. At least 115 protesters have been killed by Israeli soldiers during the marches, and a further 3,800 have been wounded. Despite drawing widespread international criticism, Israel has defended its decision to open fire on protesters, saying it has a right to defend its border.

Anti-Israeli protests in major Middle East cities

Al-Quds Day protests began early in Iran with nationwide marches, including a major rally outside of Tehran University. Crowds in the capital burned US and Israeli flags and chanted “Death to America” and “Death to Israel.” An effigy of US President Donald Trump was also hanged from a crane.

Iran does not recognize the state of Israel and openly backs anti-Israeli militant groups, including Hamas and Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

In Damascus, scores of Syrians and Palestinians marched from the Hamidyeh market in the old city to the Umayyad Mosque, waving Syrian and Palestinian flags. Syrian citizen Samah Abdullah told AP that the Jerusalem issue was a cause affecting all Muslims and that commemorating the day was a “motivation for us and for all Palestinians to restore the occupied land.”

In Baghdad, Iran-backed Shiites held up posters of the late Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei before going on to set an Israeli flag on fire.

In the Pakistani capital of Islamabad, Shiite and Sunni Muslims rallied together against Israel, burning Israeli and US flags, as well as a Trump effigy. Pakistan also does not have diplomatic relations with Israel and has observed the Al-Quds Day since it began in 1979.

The Antichrist: An outlaw turned kingmaker

Moqtada Al Sadr: An outlaw turned kingmaker

Correspondent 12:02 June 9, 2018

Iran is unhappy about Al Sadr’s recent political popularity given his outreach to Gulf states and Iraqi Sunnis

Sami Moubayed, Correspondent

12:02 June 9, 2018

Damascus: Once described by TIME magazine as the “most dangerous man in Iraq,” maverick Iraqi politician Moqtada Al Sadr is being showered with praise today, peddled as a “Iran critic” and hailed as “kingmaker” after his list won 54 out of 328 seats in parliament last May.

His Sairoun list campaigned on anti-Americanism, for which Al Sadr is well-known, anti-corruption, anti-sectarianism, and clipping the wings of Iran in Iraqi domestics.

He is still short of a majority, however, which would require 165 seats in the Iraqi Assembly, but given the mediocre-to-poor performance of all his main rivals, Al Sadr is likely to be highly influential in choosing who the next prime minister will be. As the cabinet formation unfolds, Iraq is dealing with the usual list of grievances.

Security issues are still a top concern, even though the terrorist group Daesh which swept over a third of the country in 2014 has been largely eradicated.

On Wednesday, twin bomb blasts targeted a mosque in Sadr city, killing 18 and wounding 100.

Many have accused the Interior Ministry, stacked with staunch Iranian allies, for orchestrating the attack.

The attack intended to send a message to Al Sadr for his newfound relationship with Saudi Arabia, Iran’s main regional ally.

Al Sadr was quick to call for calm among his supporters during this politically crucial time.

Al Sadr’s political journey

Al Sadr has come a long way since described as an “outlaw” by Paul Bremer back in 2003, when he led an armed insurgency against the Americans in southern Iraq and the Shiite slums of Baghdad.

Ten years ago, he disbanded his loathed Mehdi Army, and last week, his top aide Diaa Al Assadi said that there was no coming back to militia-rule.

Al Sadr now carefully chooses his words, trying to come across as a populist and well-crafted Iraqi statesman, rather than a thuggish warlord.

He still banks heavily on his Shiite credentials, however, never missing the chance to remind people that he is the son of revered Ayatollah Mohammad Sadeq Al Sadr, who was assassinated in 1999.

Last summer, Al Sadr visited Jeddah, meeting with Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman and in Abu Dhabi, he went on to meet His Highness Shaikh Mohammad Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the UAE Armed Forces, in an attempt to shed his image as a sectarian Shiite warlord.

Hearts and minds

He hoped by reaching out to powerful Sunni states, he would be able to win back the hearts and minds of disenfranchised Iraqi Sunni voters.

Observers explain that Al Sadr’s shift towards the Gulf could be a direct result of a cutback in Iranian funds to Shiite politicians in Iraq, having shifted the bulk of its resources in recent years to more pressing issues like sustaining its war efforts in Syria, where it is bolstering the regime of Bashar Al Assad.

For Saudi Arabia and the UAE, the reconciliation with Al Sadr also came with opportunities.

Observers believed it was a strategic choice on their part in order to confront Iranian meddling in its own backyard given Tehran’s long-held grip on Iraqi politics since 2003, when Saddam Hussain was toppled.

However, the Gulf was not planning to put all its eggs into one basket.

It also reached out to Iraqi Foreign Minister Ebrahim Al Ja’afari and Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar Al Abadi — both members of the ruling Iran-backed Da’awa party — as well as Ammar Al Hakim, another Shiite cleric, who for years had been on Iran’s payroll under his party, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq.

Non-sectarianism

In fact, last year Al Hakim broke ranks with his party, forming another party which campaigned on non-sectarianism.

The Iraqi political scene has evolved and become more complex over the years, explains Fanar Haddad, an Iraqi specialist at the National University of Singapore.

In 2003, after Saddam’s fall, the issues were more straightforward and one-dimensional — mainly the de-Baathification of Iraq and restoring Shiites as a majority power.

“Over the years Iran’s influence has also evolved,” Haddad tells Gulf News.

“Now, Iran is less able to cobble together grand electoral coalitions compared to 10 years ago. This is not because Iran has been left out of the political loop or is unable to pursue its interests in Iraq, but because the internal and external players are more dynamic than before,” he says.

Opponents of Al Sadr claim that gross fraud took place during last May’s elections, and 173 parliamentarians have voted for a manual recount, blaming the error on electronic counting machines, which were used for the first time.

Approximately 11 million votes will be recounted, but on Thursday, Iraq’s election commission said it would appeal parliament’s order.

8 names for potential Iraqi PM

Meanwhile, consultations are ongoing on who the next Iraqi prime minister will be, with eight potential names on the list:

Haidar Al Abadi: The incumbent prime minister still has a chance of remaining in office, but only after creating a more inclusive national unity cabinet. In late May, he met with Al Sadr and they agreed to work together, out of sheer practicality, since neither is too fond of the other.

A Shiite member of the Da’awa party, he hails from a prominent family of doctors in Baghdad, which was forced into exile shortly after Saddam came to power in 1978.

Two of his brothers were killed by Saddam, putting him briefly on the good side of Iran.

He studied electrical engineering at the University of Technology in Iraq and holds a PhD from the University of Manchester.

Al Abadi has earned a reputation for being the least corrupt Iraqi politician, especially compared to his predecessor, former premier Nouri Al Maliki.

He is also seen as candidate with broad appeal, not only with Shiite voters but with Iraq’s Sunnis and Saudi Arabia as well.

Unlike other Shiite dissidents under Saddam, he chose Europe, rather than Iran, to spend his years in exile.

Ali Dawai Lazem: A 53-year old Shiite ex-prisoner under Saddam who holds a BA in Islamic Studies from Baghdad University, he has been governor of the Maysan province in southern Iraq since 2009.

A ranking member of the Sadrist Movement, he was nominated for the premiership in 2014 and has since earned an army of admirers and fans, sweeping the streets of Maysan, having iftar with the poor, overseeing charity networks for the needed, and earning a nationwide reputation for his exceptionally unblemished financial record.

Like Al Sadr, he has been recently critical of Iran’s growing influence in Iraqi domestic issues.

Hadi Al Amiri: Currently considered as Iran’s top man in Iraq, Al Amiri, 63, is somebody who cannot be ignored in any cabinet formation, given the large parliamentary bloc that he represents.

He is the present commander of the Badr Organisation, the militia set up by Iran to fight Saddam Hussain back in the 1980s.

For three solid decades, he has been on the Iranian payroll, fighting alongside the Iranian Army during the Iran-Iraq War.

He is very close to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards and a close friend of powerful Iranian general Qassem Sulaimani.

He presently commands the Hashed Al Shaabi, the powerful Iran-backed militia that was set up in recent years to fight Daesh and which has been heavily involved in the Syria War. In 2010-2014, he was the last Minister of Transportation under Nouri Al Maliki.

Tarek Najm: The 72-year old secretary of Da’awa Party, he had served as chief-of-staff under Nouri Al Maliki and was a candidate for the premiership back in 2014.

Like Al Abadi, he refused to travel to Iran when hunted by Saddam’s regime, travelling first to Saudi Arabia, where he taught at King Abdul Aziz University, and then to the UAE, where he stayed until 1991.

He then chose Yemen, and finally London in 2001-2003.

An academic by training, he studied in Baghdad and at Al Azhar University in Cairo.

Considered “acceptable” to all sides, he has warm relations with Iran but is also close to other Arab states and is on good terms with Al Sadr and liked by ordinary Shiites, with a career in Da’awa dating back to the 1960s.

Nouri Al Maliki: Once a patron of Al Sadr, Al Maliki offered him protection from the security services, lobbying on his behalf with the Americans when he was first appointed prime minister back in 2006.

The agreement between them was based on mutual political need.

In exchange for Al Maliki’s protection, Al Sadr gave him legitimacy and credibility on the streets of Baghdad, where Al Maliki was then unknown, emerging from years of exile in Syria to assume the country’s top job.

The relationship soon snapped, when Al Maliki tried curbing Al Sadr’s powers after his Mehdi Army was becoming way too strong and independent for his taste.

In 2011, Al Sadr staged countrywide demonstrations against the prime minister, calling for his resignation, and put his full weight behind his final removal in 2014.

The two men currently despise one another.

However, given Al Maliki’s strong ties to business community, Al Sadr might be forced to work with him but only in a symbolic capacity with no real power.

Al Maliki’s popularity is at an all-time low, given his close ties to Iran, poor relationship with Iraq’s Sunnis and infamous reputation for corruption.

Also, he is largely blamed for the emergence of Daesh in 2014.

Saleh Al Hasnawi: At 58, he is relatively unknown in political circles, having first entered parliament as an independent in 2010 and been reelected in 2014.

A Shiite with no clerical background or ties to Iran, he is much respected in holy city of Karbala where he served as director of health services, before becoming minister of health in 2007.

Al Hasnawi is accredited for rooting sectarianism out of the ministry.

He was nominated to head Unesco and is highly respected in medical circles throughout the Arab World.

Adel Abdul Mehdi: A maverick Shiite politician and ranking economist, Abdul Mehdi served as vice-president of Iraq between 2005-2011 and minister of finance in 2014-2016.

Hailing from a prominent family, his father was a minister under the Iraqi monarchy who sent him to Baghdad College, an elite American Jesuit secondary school.

He later studied in France, where he joined the Communist Party and worked at Paris-based think tanks and Arabic magazines.

After the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, Abdul Mehdi rejected his Marxist past and became a Shiite nationalist, joining the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, an-Iran funded party, in the 1980s.

With the fall of Saddam, he returned to Baghdad and ran for the premiership in 2006.

He remains heavyweight who is close to Iran and on good terms with all Shiites within Iraq.

Ja’afar Al Sadr: A controversial newcomer, he is the brother-in-law and cousin of Moqtada Al Sadr, who also happens to be the son of revered Shiite cleric Ayatollah Mohammad Baker Al Sadr, the ideological founder of the Da’awa party.

Although he himself is not a member of his father’s party, Ja’afar grew up in a home regularly frequented by Shiite figures of all stripes and colours.

He spent a lifetime studying Shiite theology in Qom, Iran, where he still travels frequently and owns a house, but took off his Islamic garb in 2005, marketing himself as a moderate Shiite cleric.

Moqtada Al Sadr risks accusations of nepotism if he decides to endorse Ja’afar for the premiership.