Getting Closer to Nuclear War (Revelation 15)

image-389World War 3 WARNING: Iran WILL increase uranium enrichment as NUCLEAR threat RISES

Latifa Yedroudj

| UPDATED: 19:57, Tue, Jun 5, 2018

IRAN’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei has declared to openly re-start its nuclear programme – enriching uranium which could potentially produce weapons grade fissile material.

Trump demands changes to ‚disastrous‘ Iran nuclear deal

The Iranian government has lashed out at the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, threatening to develop its nuclear arsenal if the deal falls apart, with tensions escalating across member states.

The government in Tehran told the UN nuclear watchdog its plans to produce feedstock for centrifuges – the machines used to enrich uranium.

A spokesman for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) confirmed Tehran’s move, saying: „The Agency received a letter from Iran on 4 June informing the Agency that there is a tentative schedule to start production of UF6.“

Uranium hexafluoride, also known as UF6, is the feedstock for centrifuges and a key ingredient in the uranium enrichment process.

Iran made the announcement in Vienna on Tuesday, following the country’s outrage at newly imposed US economic sanctions.

On Monday, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei threatened to increase the country’s uranium enrichment capacity if the nuclear deal fell apart, following US withdrawal from the agreement last month.

However, European members are trying to salvage the 2015 Iran nuclear deal as Tehran is set to increase its uranium enrichment capacity.

The 2015 Iran agreed to a long-term nuclear deal with the US, UK, France, China, Russia and Germany, imposing restrictions on their nuclear activity in exchange for lifting crippling economic sanctions.

France, Britain and Germany are attempting to rescue the agreement, which has been left in turmoil since the US re-imposed sanctions on Tehran, claiming that Iran posed a serious security threat.


Iran has declared to increase its uranium enrichment capacity, which is used to make nuclear weapons

The head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organisation, Ali Akbar Salehi said: „If we were progressing normally, it would have taken six or seven years, but this will now be ready in the coming weeks and months.“

According to Mr Salehi, Iran has been developing its nuclear infrastructure for building advanced centrifuges at its Natanz facility, Iran’s largest uranium enrichment site.

Mr Salehi said the announcement came as instructions from Mr Khamenei, who strictly ordered officials to be prepared to increase enrichment if the Iran nuclear agreement, also known as JCPOA, breaks down.

Mr Salehi added: „If the JCPOA collapses – please pay attention, if the JCPOA collapses – and if we decide to assemble new centrifuges, we will assemble new-generation of centrifuges.

„However, for the time being, we move within the framework of the JCPO.“

The deal currently only allows Iran to enrich uranium to 3.7 percent – far below 90% threshold of weapons-grade material – limiting its stock of enriched uranium hexafluoride at 300kg.

Mr Khamenei had previously warned European countries that they would increase uranium enrichment capacity, citing his disapproval of imposed sanctions.

He said: “Some European countries appear to expect the Iranian people to both tolerate and deal with the sanctions, to go along with them, and give up [the country’s] nuclear energy activities while continuing to observe the restrictions set by the deal.

“I am telling these countries that they need to be conscious of the fact that this is a dream that will never come true. The people of Iran and the government of Iran will never tolerate both suffering from sanctions and nuclear restrictions. This will never happen.”

History Expects the Sixth Seal in NYC (Revelation 6:12)

Based on historical precedent, Armbruster says the New York City metro area is susceptible to an earthquake of at least a magnitude of 5.0 once a century.

According to the New York Daily News, Lynn Skyes, lead author of a recent study by seismologists at the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory adds that a magnitude-6 quake hits the area about every 670 years, and magnitude-7 every 3,400 years.

A 5.2-magnitude quake shook New York City in 1737 and another of the same severity hit in 1884.

Tremors were felt from Maine to Virginia.

There are several fault lines in the metro area, including one along Manhattan’s 125th St. – which may have generated two small tremors in 1981 and may have been the source of the major 1737 earthquake, says Armbruster.

There’s another fault line on Dyckman St. and one in Dobbs Ferry in nearby Westchester County.

“The problem here comes from many subtle faults,” explained Skyes after the study was published.

He adds: “We now see there is earthquake activity on them. Each one is small, but when you add them up, they are probably more dangerous than we thought.”

“Considering population density and the condition of the region’s infrastructure and building stock, it is clear that even a moderate earthquake would have considerable consequences in terms of public safety and economic impact,” says the New York City Area Consortium for Earthquake Loss Mitigation on its website.

Armbruster says a 5.0-magnitude earthquake today likely would result in casualties and hundreds of millions of dollars in damage.

“I would expect some people to be killed,” he notes.

The scope and scale of damage would multiply exponentially with each additional tick on the Richter scale. (ANI)

The Two Horns of Prophecy (Daniel 8)

Moqtada al-SadrSadr Won But Iran Did Not Lose

Moqtada al-Sadr

by Neda Bolourchi

Moqtada al-Sadr’s Sairoon (On the Move) Alliance party narrowly won the majority of parliamentary seats in Iraq’s recent elections. Sadr’s more recent history, the language of the campaign, and statements by Sairoon representatives indicate to many that Sadr will work with nearly anyone who disavows or rejects help from Iran, its partners, proxies, or militias. This led to some reserved jubilation as well as premature suggestions of an Iranian loss of regional influence. Sadr’s Sairoon Alliance won, but Iran has not lost either in Iraq or in the region.

Tehran does not see these elections as a zero-sum game. Sairoon narrowly won and must work to build a coalition in order to form a working government. Sadr and Sairoon campaigned on an “Iraq First” platform that relied on deeply nationalistic rhetoric, which has led to an assumption that Sairoon will build a coalition with everyone and anyone not affiliated with Iran. In practice, this means isolating Hadi al-Amiri of the al-Fatah Coalition, which won the second most seats in the election. But such an assumption ignores the on-the-ground realities of politicking. In addition, it also largely ignores what the campaign means for the United States, its presence, and its interests in Iraq.

To be clear, Tehran sees the recent Iraqi election as a potential and momentary setback at worst. The politics of coalition-building is ongoing, and Tehran does not believe that its partners, parties, or proxies will be eliminated from functional and substantives roles in the government, particularly the interior ministry. Tehran’s expectation comes from viewing itself as the most powerful outside actor in Iraq and one that is still needed. Finally, when push comes to shove, Tehran will not allow one election to nullify a decade’s worth of investment.

Reasons for Iranian Optimism

Tehran does not see the Sairoon win as a loss or even a blow for at least four reasons.

First, Tehran is not sure Sadr is now anti-Iran per se as opposed to simply playing to his base as well as his coalition. Iraqi nationalism has been rising over the past several years. Sadr seeks power and, according to Tehran, will adopt positions that garner him more. Advancing anti-Iran rhetoric builds his nationalist credentials so that he is both (allegedly) anti-Iran and anti-U.S, as both countries remain a focus. Yet, both Iran and Sadr want the removal of U.S. forces from Iraq. Sadr and Iran may come to a negotiated agreement on how to achieve such a result and produce a stable Iraq.

Also, Tehran sees Sadr, at his worst, as unpredictable, undependable, and uncontrollable. Sadr has always wanted power and on his terms. He is, as Middle East experts James Muldoon and Yasamin Alttahir have put it less diplomatically in Time, an “impulsive, narcissistic, egoist” who is nothing short of an “opportunist.” Personality differences may play a role as to why Tehran and Sadr may be slightly at odds. Sadr might argue otherwise. He definitely has complaints about how Iranians treated him, both at home in Baghdad and in Iran where he lived in exile from 2008-2011. In particular, he blames Tehran for pressuring Nouri al-Maliki (prime minister from 2006-2014) to limit Sadr’s power and to disband his Mahdi Army. Tehran thinks, even if Sadr turns out to be anti-Iran, he can crumble on his own.

Third, Tehran believes that the Sairoon Alliance will splinter. Running on an “outsider” platform that takes aim at corruption and the lack of public services is not difficult. Transitioning from a campaign to form a functioning government is another issue. Even in a stable and secure country transitions can be problematic. The transition issue is compounded by the composition of Sairoon. Such a disparate grouping of atheists and religiously minded naturally have issues about how to govern and who should fill which government positions. Even a homogenous political party has these issues. Tehran therefore sees this coalition as not only having to maintain itself despite Sadr but also despite its core membership and its fissiparous constitution.

Finally, Sairoon did not win anywhere near a majority. It won 54 of 329 seats and the chance to put forward a new prime minister. Sadr did not run, so he cannot be that premier. The election results require the formation of a coalition government. Because of years invested in Iraq, Tehran believes that it will be part of the new government in some shape or form, regardless of US sanctions against Iraqi politicians affiliated with Tehran. With the outcome of the coalition-building politics unresolved, the Iranian foreign-policy establishment insists that the final outcome will not run counter to Iranian interests.

Tehran holds that Sadr and the Sairoon Alliance, should they want, cannot completely isolate or marginalize Iranian-supported politicians and parties. Tehran spent more than 15 years building networks, providing social services, and helping Iraqis fight the Islamic State and others. Tehran is neither panicking nor scrambling. Naturally, Tehran prefers a government led by a reliable coalition of Ammar al-Hakim (Hikma), former prime minister Nouri al-Maliki (State of Law Coalition), Hadi al-Amiri (al-Fatah Coalition and the Popular Mobilization Units), and Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi (al-Nasr Alliance). Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani is by all accounts negotiating that possibility. Sadr too expressed a desire to work with Abadi and al-Hakim as well as former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. All sides understand that no party won by a large enough margin to dominate the government-formation process. This is all part of the nature of politics. And, this possibility does not even include the Iraqi Kurds and Sunnis that Iran has won over.

Tehran expects its soft power politics to hold sway. Tehran affiliates will not be eliminated from the political and security processes, in either the short or long term. This is why—should Soleimani and his cadres fail to influence Sairoon’s choice for the premiership and the interior ministry—Tehran is not extremely concerned.

Tehran’s Calculations

Tehran understands that it cannot push or advance its cause in Iraq too much. Iran is involved in Iraq to assure itself of a stable neighbor and a possible bulwark. Iraq is, potentially, more important to Iran than Syria. Growing Iraqi nationalism that insists upon a secure, prosperous country as well as an anti-Iran bias must be allowed…to an extent. Given the on-the-ground reality of this election, Iran might have to acquiesce to a smaller role in the country. Should diplomatic negotiations over the formation of the Iraqi government fail to produce a majority for Iranian allies, Tehran knows that its partners, parties, and proxies constitute a strong minority, at worst. Trying to force a different outcome by insisting on a more Iran-friendly government—or sabotaging the one that Sairoon puts together—might only increase anti-Iranian sentiment in Iraq and undermine the political investments Tehran has made over time in the country.

None of this is to say that Tehran does not have concerns about its long-term objective to be friendly with and hold sway over a unified, stable Iraq. Like any other state, Iran would like to deny access by other states-competitors or enemies. Most pressing is the extent of relations between Sadr, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. Sadr’s rare and public visits to Saudi Arabia and UAE testify to the growing relationship among the three.

Specifically, Tehran is concerned that the Saudis have finally taken Washington’s advice. Riyadh is now copying Tehran by building political support and influence through economic and social incentives. Riyadh is admittedly at least a decade behind and must do the hard work of creating a network of contacts and courting public opinion, which it has been doing by lavishing money on Sadr and the election as well as projects in Basra. In fact, Saudi Arabia’s financial power gives it political leverage at a time when Tehran may, if not should, scale back its presence. Because Iraq is so important to Iranian long-term security strategies, Tehran will fight in one form or another to retain its influence.

Ultimately, Tehran sees the Iraqi election as a setback, at worst. It expects to retain years of investment so that in the long term Tehran has a unified, stable, and friendly neighbor. The Islamic Republic will seek to counter any other foreign competition. Tehran is not scrambling but remains actively engaged in the politics of Iraq to ensure that likelihood. Sadr won the election, but that does not simultaneously mean that Iran has lost.

Neda Bolourchi is currently at the Interdisciplinary Center for Innovative Theory and Empirics at Columbia University. Her work has appeared in the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, The Islamic Monthly, Encyclopaedia Iranica, and the Iranian Studies Journal. 

Iran Prepares to go Nuclear (Daniel 8)

Iran to restart uranium capacity building process, says country’s nuclear agency

Middle East Eye

Tehran will inform the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA on Tuesday that the country will start a process to increase its uranium enrichment capacity, Iran’s Atomic Energy Organisation spokesman Behrouz Kamalvandi told ISNA news agency.

„In a letter that will be handed over to the International Atomic Energy Organisation … Iran will announce that the process of increasing the capacity to produce … UF6 (uranium hexafluoride) … will start on Tuesday,“ Kamalvandi said.

He said Iran had the capacity to accelerate production of centrifuges, which are used to enrich uranium. The UF6 is a feedstock for centrifuges.

Earlier on Monday, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei hinted at the move by warning European leaders against their „dream“ of Tehran continuing to curb its nuclear programme while finding itself under new economic sanctions.

„From some European countries we get the message that they expect the Iranian people to both tolerate the sanctions, deal with the sanctions, and go along with them and give up our nuclear energy activities and continue with the restrictions,“ he told an audience in a Tehran suburb.

„I would tell these countries that they should be aware that this is a dream that will never come true.“

Khamenei spoke nearly a month after President Donald Trump announced the United States was pulling out of the landmark Iran nuclear deal.

The remaining partners – Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia – have scrambled to save the 2015 accord as the US readies to reimpose sanctions on Tehran.

„The people of Iran and the government of Iran will never tolerate both suffering from sanctions and nuclear restrictions,“ said Khamenei.

„This will never happen,“ he said during a ceremony to mark the 29th anniversary of the death of revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The Iran deal paved the way for the partial lifting of international sanctions against the country, in exchange for Tehran curbing its nuclear programme for a number of years.

Khamenei and various Iranian political figures have already warned that Iran could leave the agreement if it no longer receives the economic benefits it signed up for.

Late last month, the supreme leader outlined Iran’s demands for it to stay in the nuclear deal.

But the remaining backers of the accord have limited power to protect Iran’s economic interests in the face of US sanctions, with Trump showing little inclination to spare EU companies.

Shortly after Khamenei’s speech, French automaker PSA announced it was pulling out of two joint ventures to sell its cars in Iran owing to the US sanctions.

Last week, the chief executive of French oil giant Total – a symbol of foreign companies‘ return to Iran after 2015 – said the chances of winning sanctions exemptions were „very slim“.

The Antichrist Unifies the Nations

Muqtada al-Sadr: Sadr welcomes return of Iraq Jews from Israel

June 4, 2018 at 1:54 p

The Leaders of Iraq Sadrist movement, Muqtada Al-Sadr, has welcomed the return of Iraqi Jews who immigrated from the country after 1948.

Answering a question from one of his supporters about the possibility of allowing Iraqi Jews who had been displaced from Iraq to return, Al-Sadr said: “If their loyalty is to Iraq then welcome.”

Jews represented more than two per cent of the Iraqi population before 1947 but the figure dramatically decreased in 1951 after many emigrating to the newly formed state of Israel.

Israel was formed after nearly a million Palestinian were forced out of their homes by militias who took over their properties and forced them to live in refugee camps in neighbouring countries where they remain today, 70 years on.