A Closer Look At The Sixth Seal (Revelation 6:12)

A Closer Look At The Sixth Seal (Rev 6:12)

A Look at the Tri-State’s Active Fault Line

Monday, March 14, 2011

The Ramapo Fault is the longest fault in the Northeast that occasionally makes local headlines when minor tremors cause rock the Tri-State region. It begins in Pennsylvania, crosses the Delaware River and continues through Hunterdon, Somerset, Morris, Passaic and Bergen counties before crossing the Hudson River near Indian Point nuclear facility.

In the past, it has generated occasional activity that generated a 2.6 magnitude quake in New Jersey’s Peakpack/Gladstone area and 3.0 magnitude quake in Mendham.

But the New Jersey-New York region is relatively seismically stable according to Dr. Dave Robinson, Professor of Geography at Rutgers. Although it does have activity.

“There is occasional seismic activity in New Jersey,” said Robinson. “There have been a few quakes locally that have been felt and done a little bit of damage over the time since colonial settlement — some chimneys knocked down in Manhattan with a quake back in the 18th century, but nothing of a significant magnitude.”

Robinson said the Ramapo has on occasion registered a measurable quake but has not caused damage: “The Ramapo fault is associated with geological activities back 200 million years ago, but it’s still a little creaky now and again,” he said.

“More recently, in the 1970s and early 1980s, earthquake risk along the Ramapo Fault received attention because of its proximity to Indian Point,” according to the New Jersey Geological Survey website.

Historically, critics of the Indian Point Nuclear facility in Westchester County, New York, did cite its proximity to the Ramapo fault line as a significant risk.

In 1884, according to the New Jersey Geological Survey website, the  Rampao Fault was blamed for a 5.5 quake that toppled chimneys in New York City and New Jersey that was felt from Maine to Virginia.

“Subsequent investigations have shown the 1884 Earthquake epicenter was actually located in Brooklyn, New York, at least 25 miles from the Ramapo Fault,” according to the New Jersey Geological Survey website.

Iran Prepares to Resume its Nuclear Program

Iran uranium enrichment site opens for first time in 2 years, images showIran uranium enrichment site opens for first time in 2 years, images show

The Fordow compound was part of Iran’s nuclear program and was discovered in satellite images in 2009.

May 3, 2018 20:36


Satellite images of Iran’s Fordo enrichment facility, May 3, 2018. (photo credit: IMAGESAT INTERNATIONAL (ISI))

For the first time since the Iran nuclear agreement was signed, the entrance gate to Iran’s Fordow uranium enrichment facility was opened and activity at the compound commenced, according to satellite images taken last Sunday and published on Thursday.

In the photos, provided by ImageSat International (ISI), new structures that were built recently in the nuclear compound are visible, as well as buses and other vehicles parked outside the complex.

The Fordow compound was part of Iran’s nuclear program, discovered in satellite images in 2009. In January 2012, the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA announced that the uranium at the facility had been enriched to 20%.

The facility itself was built on a mountainside, apparently to protect it from possible attack from Israel. As part of the nuclear agreement, most of the centrifuges were dismantled.

According to the IAEA report, it was converted for civilian purposes.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu referred to the Fordow facility during his speech on Monday when he unveiled a massive cache of secret documents, obtained in an Israeli intelligence operation this year, showing that Iran had developed a secret nuclear weapons program.

In his speech, Netanyahu said excavations are continuing on the mountain-side compound. The prime minister also accused Iran of lying to the six powers that negotiated with it in 2015 to reach an agreement on its nuclear program.

The cache Netanyahu presented also revealed documents in which the Iranian leadership instructed those responsible for the nuclear program to develop five 10-kiloton warheads, which could be mounted on ballistic missiles.

Trump will NOT end Khamenei’s apocalyptic vision

ANALYSIS: Trump needs to end Khamenei’s apocalyptic vision

With the present Iran deal, put in place by US President Barak Obama and other world powers (P-5+1), Iran was invited back into the world’s political fold. There was hope that the country would become a cash cow in the form of billions of dollars coming from lucrative trade deals, and that its stalled nuclear program will remain out of action.

But as far as nuclear deals are concerned, it should be remembered that during the period of 2003 to 2005, the now President Hassan Rouhani, was the Iranian representative dealing with the West over Iran’s nuclear program. It was during those talks that he agreed to freeze the enrichment of uranium. During negotiations, Rouhani had promised to suspend all enrichment and reprocessing activities, promises that were never fulfilled.

While talks were in progress, the yield of centrifuges had barely been reduced, and at a later date, on 27 May, 2013, when appearing on Iran’s state-run IRIB TV, Rouhani brusquely acknowledged to an interviewer: “Do y

ou know when we developed yellowcake?” he stated firmly. “Winter, 2004. Do you know when the number of centrifuges reached 3,000? Winter 2004”, and “by creating a calm environment”, he taunted. “We were able to complete the work on Isfahan.”

So, in the process of bringing today’s Iran deal to fruition, President Rouhani

used the same tact as he did during his time as a nuclear negotiator, when he lulled the world into a false sense of security, in order to gain time to advance Iran’s nuclear program.

But this time around, with Iran’s nuclear ambitions stalled, he has been able to boost the strength of Iran’s armed forces, while flaunting the fact that his military was developing long-range nuclear-capable missiles, all subsidised by impounded cash being returned under the deal.

When Hassan Rouhani first became president, he seemed to be the complete opposite of his predecessor, the bombastic Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and rattling off well-rehearsed lines, handed to him by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, he would add a few flowery comments of his own; wooing the West into believing what a nice person he was.

Then pressing forward with negotiations, Iran made an agreement with the West to freeze its nuclear program, and 9,500 centrifuges that were idle inside two uranium enrichment plants would remain that way.

In return for complying to this agreement, Iran’s sanctions would be l

ightened, and on certain items, including gold and chemical exports, sanctions would be suspended altogether, and there were also various other services that would be free of sanctions. But should Iran renege on the deal; sanctions would be back in place.

This agreement has worked perfectly for Iran, with its new-found respectability among many influential nations, it has been able to make lucrative deals, and by keeping up this pretence of respectability, it will eventually allow it to build up its economy, strengthen its armed forces, and build up a multitude of grateful nations that will stand by it due to the lucrative deals on offer.

Change of attitude

But later down the line, when the Iranian leadership deems it to be the right time, when its economy and military are strong enough, and the world has fully accepted its “change” of attitude, its nuclear program will be up and running again; and with the world blind-sided, the dream of creating a nuke will eventually be realised.

With Iran’s wealth, prestige and power built up through export deals across the world, with Russia as an ally, and its output of oil keeping world prices down, the regime will become a force to reckon with on the world stage, making its powerful hold on the Middle East irreversible. The way the regime views it, Khomeini’s dream of knocking the US off its perch as guardian of the Arab states, will finally be realized.

So, while Donald Trump is considering whether to endorse the Iran Deal, he needs to remember that the Iranian regime has been using the billions of dollars returned to it from sanction relief, to modernize its military, as well as pay for a program to develop long-range nuclear capable missiles.

These will eventually reach the US, and with a massive cash boost in bankrolling Hezbollah, it is also financing wars in places like Syria, Iraq and Yemen. None of this behaviour points to an administration seeking a path of peace, it points more to a nation seeking to extend its hegemonic desires.

Another aspect that Donald Trump needs to take into consideration are the apocalyptic beliefs of the Iranian regime’s hierarchy. Many hardliners around Iran’s Spiritual Leader, Ali Khamenei, advocate that the return of the Shiite messiah, Muhammed al-Mahdi.

In readiness for the Mahdi’s appearance, Khamenei is fiercely committed to bringing about the destruction of the US and Israel, a stance he has made perfectly clear in his constant reiteration of the slogans “Death to Israel” and “Death to America”.

Such is Khamenei’s fervour on the subject, on 18 July, 2015, four days after President Barak Obama had heralded the Iran Deal as an end to Iran’s nuclear program, and a pathway to peace, Khamenei was making a speech on al-Quds (Jerusalem) Day, praising the rising movement across the nation that was calling for “Death to Israel” and “Death to America”.

Khamenei also believes that the Mahdi will arrive at a time when the world is awash with chaos and carnage, which his proxy militia Hezbollah has been striving to achieve over the past decades, through a global terror campaign.

The Iranian administration also believes it is their duty to hasten the Mahdi’s arrival, by creating disorder through any means at their disposal, which in Iran’s case could soon include the use of nuclear weapons.

Culture of martyrdom

The culture of martyrdom has been infused into Iranian culture since the birth of the Iranian Islamic Republic, after its founder Ruhollah Khomeini adopted the modern concept of suicide bombing, bringing it into the realm of terrorism through terror groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas.

But the true face of Khamenei’s apocalyptic vision, came on the day the bombastic Mahmoud Ahmadinejad entered onto the Iranian political stage as president. There, through his anti-Western and anti-Israeli rhetoric, plus his determination to speed up taking his country down the nuclear route, he had numerous vitriolic verbal clashes with the West, and seemed to be leading the world towards an all-out apocalyptic clash.

But what made Ahmadinejad so frightening, was his obsession in bringing about the return of the Mahdi, and his fixation on Iran’s nuclear program, as he fast-tracked the country toward a nuclear capability.

During Ahmadinejad’s tenure, with years of him threatening to annihilate Israel and take on the West, as well as his constant refusal to allow agents of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) access to inspect some of Iran’s suspect nuclear facilities, the fiercely provocative president had vastly accelerated his country’s nuclear program.

Then, with the threat of an American air assault seeming to be on the cards, the verbose Iranian president claimed that although Iran had the capability to create nuclear weapons, it didn’t intend to do so. Eventually, with the nuclear issue coming to a head, with the US close to bombing Iran, if it didn’t comply to IAEA demands, a series of powerful economic sanctions were eventually imposed on the country.

As a result of the crippling sanctions, Iran’s economy began to crumble, and with unemployment rising, and apathy setting in amongst the Iranian people, ordinary Iranians became sickened at the thought of the rest of the world portraying Iran as a terrorist state, and demonstrations began in Iran’s major cities, with protestors demanding a change.

With Khamenei being very astute when it came to the mood of the people, he realized that the beginnings of an uprising might be in the air, and not wanting a repeat of the violent street demonstrations that had taken place throughout the country in 2009, which had to be brutally quelled by the regime’s Basij militia, Khamenei decided that a new type of “moderate” president was needed to calm the situation, and offer the people hope.

Then in a carefully orchestrated election, a Khamenei loyalist with so-called “moderate” credentials was rolled out in the form of Hassan Rouhani. With an infectious smile stretched across his face, he made all the right overtones in his bid to be seen as a moderate who was reaching out to the West, and a nuclear deal was on the table.

Yet, what needs Trump’s attention is the apocalyptic vision that continues to thrive in Iran.

Last Update: Wednesday, 2 May 2018 KSA 10:55 – GMT 07:55

The Australian Nuclear Horn (Daniel 8:8)

img_1460Boost To Nuclear-Power: Two Australian Firms In Talks To Export Uranium To India

Incidentally, in July 2017, Australia had sent its first uranium shipment to India but that was “a small sample of uranium” transferred “purely for testing purposes,” according to a statement by the Australian government

A steady supply of uranium is good news for the country’s nuclear power sector, something that is expected to boost the performance of Indian nuclear power plants, as well as of several fuel cycle facilities.

Two Australian companies BHP Billiton, the world’s biggest mining company, and Heathgate Resources, an affiliate of US company General Atomics, are in discussions with the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) for exporting uranium to India.

A sales contract for enabling the transfer, which is part of the ongoing commercial negotiations between Australian uranium vendors and India’s DAE on fuel contracts for civil nuclear-power generation, is currently under discussion, officials indicated.

Once the contract is wrapped up, Australian companies could potentially join utilities from four other countries that are already supplying nuclear fuel to India.

Incidentally, in July 2017, Australia had sent its first uranium shipment to India but that was “a small sample of uranium” transferred “purely for testing purposes,” according to a statement by the Australian government.

Imported uranium from Australia, as and when despatches start, would be used to meet fuel requirements of Indian nuclear reactors that are under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards, as is the case with fuel imports that have come in so far from Russia’s JSC TVEL Corp, Kazakhstan’s JSC NAC KazatomProm, France’s Areva and Canada’s Cameco.

In India, there are currently 22 reactors with an installed capacity of 6,780 MWe (mega watt electrical), of which, eight reactors with aggregate capacity of 2,400 MWe are fuelled by indigenous uranium while the remaining 14 with a capacity of 4,380 MWe are under IAEA Safeguards and qualify to use imported uranium.

A steady supply of uranium is good news for the country’s nuclear power sector, something that is expected to boost the performance of Indian nuclear power plants, as well as of several fuel cycle facilities.

Former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott had signed an agreement with Prime Minister Narendra Modi for civil nuclear cooperation in September 2014, clearing the way for uranium sales. Australia’s current PM, Malcolm Turnbull, had said in April last year that he was looking forward to exporting uranium to India “as soon as possible” after holding talks with the Indian PM. Ongoing discussions with Melbourne-based BHP and Adelaide-based Heathgate Resources are aimed at formalising commercial contracts to enable uranium shipments to India.

During the first nine months of FY’18, over 1,900 metric tonnes (MT) of uranium ore concentrate had been shipped into India from Kazakhstan and Canada, or nearly 80 per cent of the record 2,419 MT that was imported the previous fiscal.

While uranium supplies holding up is a positive trend, coming alongside plans outlined by the DAE to ramp up domestic uranium production ten-fold over next 15 years (by 2031-2032), nuclear generation has faltered marginally.

During the current fiscal, upto December 2017, the capacity factor — the ratio of the net electricity generated, for the time considered, to the energy that could have been generated at continuous full-power operation during the same period — was recorded at 67 per cent. While this is data for nine months and not for the full year, the capacity factor was down to a nine-year low.

The reasons include tepid demand in the wake of a delayed industrial recovery and subdued demand on account of domestic load.

Under the “separation plan” announced by the government in March 2006, negotiated after the July 2005 nuclear deal with the US, India was required to bring 14 reactors under IAEA safeguards in a phased manner. Thirteen of these reactors, including RAPS 2 to 6 at Rawatbhata, Rajasthan; KAPS 1 and 2 at Kakrapar, Gujarat; NAPS 1 and 2 at Narora, Uttar Pradesh; TAPS 1 and 2 at Tarapur, Maharashtra; Kudankulam 1 and 2 in Tamil Nadu; are already under IAEA safeguards, and eligible to run on imported fuel.

Officials of Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL), which runs the country’s nuclear power plants, said the other reactors, KGS 1 to 4 at Kaiga, Karnataka; MAPS 1 and 2 at Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu; and TAPS 3 and 4 at Tarapur, Maharashtra, continue to use uranium sourced within the country.

Official sources said that the Department of Atomic Energy reckons the annual fuel needed for operating the indigenous pressurised heavy water reactors (PHWRs) at 85 per cent capacity is about 45 tonnes of uranium dioxide for the older 220 MWe units, 100 tonnes for the 540 MWe units and 125 tonnes for the new 700 MWe units.

In contrast, the need of low-enriched uranium for operating imported light water reactors (LWRs) at 85 per cent capacity factor are six tonnes for the older 160 MWe Tarapur units and 27 tonnes for 1,000 MWe units such as the twin Russian-built VVER-1000 reactor units at Kudankulam.

The total installed capacity is targeted to go up to 9,980 MWe, with seven new reactors getting progressively commissioned. These include the imported LWRs of Russian design, four indigenous PHWRs, and one indigenous prototype fast breeder reactor (PFBR).

In May 2017, the Union Cabinet gave its approval for the construction of 10 units of the new indigenous 700 MWe PHWRs. The addition of 7,000 MWe is more than the combined present installed capacity of 6,780 MWe.

The new reactors are of significantly higher capacities compared to the PHWRs currently under operation — the standard PHWR being used in India is of 220 MWe though two 540 MWe reactors were installed in Tarapur in 2005 and 2006.

The ten reactors will be installed in Kaiga in Karnataka (Unit 5 and 6), Chutka in Madhya Pradesh (Unit 1 and 2), Gorakhpur in Haryana (Unit 3 and 4) and Mahi Banswara in Rajasthan (Unit 1, 2, 3 and 4). Alongside this, eight LWRs based on international cooperation — with Russia, France and the US — adding up to a capacity of 10,500 MWe, are slated to be taken up for execution.

The Korea and Iran Deal are Closely Intertwined

Any North Korea nuclear deal must involve Iran’s nuclear program

May 02, 2018 – 11:30 AM EDT

By A.J. Caschetta, opinion contributor

The views expressed by contributors are their own and not the view of The Hill

With the prospect of another round of North Korean diplomacy in the air, the United States must take full advantage by insisting that any deal with Kim Jong Un’s regime include full disclosure of everything it knows about the Iranian nuclear program and the decades-long nuclear proliferation abetted by Pakistan’s AQK Network. The president frequently mentions the North Korean and Iranian nuclear threats in the same speech, but he needs to link the two.

As Anthony H. Cordesman at the Center for Strategic and International Studies points out, there is “no reliable open-source data on exactly how Iran reached out to North Korea (or vice versa),” but the evidence of cooperation is incontrovertible. From shared Scud missile technology, to Iranian scientists present at North Korean nuclear tests, North Korea knows many of Iran’s secrets and can certainly provide enough evidence to satisfy even the most skeptical members of the international community.

The origin of North Korea’s success as a nuclear power began with assistance of the world’s most prolific proliferator, Abdul Qadeer Khan (AQK), Pakistan’s “Father of the Islamic Bomb” whose underground network sold centrifuge designs and equipment to numerous countries, both known (North Korea, Libya, Iraq and Iran) and unknown.

AQK provided much of the knowledge and materiel necessary for the North Korean and Iranian nuclear programs, but there were other connections. The founder of the Kim dynasty, Kim Il-Sung, was among the first to congratulate Ruhollah Khomeini after he seized power from the Shah of Iran. When Iraq invaded Iran in 1980, Kim offered Khomeini Scud missiles and sent military advisors to aid the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). Amir Taheri with Gatestone Institute suggests that even the Iranian “swarm attack,” or “human wave attack,” was derived from a tactic Kim used against American forces in the 1950s.

North Korea also helped Iran to make giant leaps forward in its missile program. When the Iraq-Iran War ended, North Korea helped Iran develop its own Shahab missile based on the Scud B design it had obtained from the Soviet Union. Iran’s current long-range Shahab-3 missile is based on the North Korean Nodong-1. Even the submarines used to launch missiles are similar; the Iranian Ghadir-class submarine is a close copy of North Korea’s Ono-class submarine.

Perhaps the most alarming evidence of cooperation came when North Korea tested a nuclear device in February 2013 and Iran’s seldom-seen chief nuclear scientist, Mohsen Fakhrizadeh-Mahabadi, was there to witness the event. Some analysts believe that the cooperation is so complete that Iran actually has moved its most secret nuclear research facilities to North Korea.

With the almost dizzying images and prospects coming out of North Korea, it will be tempting to go down the perilous path toward another bad deal with another Kim. It is encouraging that this round of diplomacy is being led by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who does not come from the world of traditional, weak diplomacy. And with John Bolton as national security adviser, we can be sure that President Trump is being advised of the North Korean-Iranian link. Bolton wrote in August of last year, “If Tehran’s long collusion with Pyongyang on ballistic missiles is even partly mirrored in the nuclear field, the Iranian threat is nearly as imminent as North Korea’s.”

If a peace deal with North Korea brings an apology for the murder of Otto Warmbier, return of any of the remains of the thousands of U.S. military personnel who disappeared fighting in the Korean War, or even the return of the USS Pueblo, which has sat in a North Korean harbor for over 50 years, Trump will be applauded.

But information that helps us expose and dismantle the Iranian nuclear threat might be the most important thing to come from any deal. Even if the next generation of Kims cheats and reneges on the deal, as the earlier generation of Kims did, we still will have gotten the goods on Iran.

Congress must urge the administration to push for a full disclosure of the entire history of North Korea’s participation with the Iranian nuclear program and everything it knows about the AQK Network. Adopting the tactics of law enforcement will make it possible to “flip” Kim Jong Un and turn him into an informant in return for his regime’s survival and the fabulous rewards that no doubt await him.

A.J. Caschetta is a Ginsburg-Ingerman Fellow at the Philadelphia-based think tank Middle East Forum and a senior lecturer at the Rochester Institute of Technology, where his focus has been the rhetoric of radical Islamists and Western academic narratives explaining Islamist terrorism.