Pakistan Now Able To Make Plutonium Bomb (Daniel 8:8)

‘Pakistan’s plutonium plant likely operational’

Updated: Feb 21, 2015 02:50 AM , By Narayan Lakshman

Pakistan may now be on the fasttrack to weaponising spent nuclear fuel through its plutonium reprocessing plant in Chashma in Punjab, according to recent satellite imagery, which indicates that all the ongoing construction around a tall building, suspected to be the reprocessing facility in question, has been completed.

In its report the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), a think-tank here, said that while the operational status of this reprocessing plant was yet to be confirmed, “satellite imagery signatures suggest it may have recently become operational, [a development that] would significantly increase Pakistan’s plutonium separation capability and ability to make nuclear weapons.”

Speaking to The Hindu one of the report’s authors, Serena Vergantini, said that ISIS had determined from open source information that there was a plan to build a reprocessing plant at Chashma several years ago although it was difficult to know which building was the reprocessing facility.
However, in 2007 ISIS located a tall building in a site southwest of the Chashma Nuclear Power Complex, which incidentally hosts Chinese-supplied nuclear power reactors, where “a considerable amount of construction” had taken place between 2002 and 2005, including ponds nearby excavated, roads paved and a potential plutonium management building and waste facility built nearby.
The latest satellite imagery obtained by ISIS through Digital Global indicates that all such construction work appears complete, which makes it most likely that the reprocessing facility is “close to complete,” and “possibly operational,” Ms. Vergantini noted.

Last month another ISIS report had hinted that Pakistan may have accelerated its covert nuclear weapons development programme and rendered operational a nuclear reactor structure located at its Khushab plant, some 120 kilometres by road from the Chashma site, and likely producing plutonium at a rapid rate through four reactors there.

However, given the plutonium output from the Khushab reactors Islamabad needed to find a way to chemically separate it from the irradiated reactor fuel, a complex process reuring plutonium reprocessing plants.

When its contract to receive such a plant from France was cancelled by suppliers in France in the mid-1970s owing to concerns about the plant’s potential use to make nuclear weapons, Pakistan constructed a small indigenous facility near Rawalpindi.
Although this facility came online to reprocess plutonium after Pakistan brought into operation its first Khushab reactor in 1998, the three additional reactors there were possibly producing more irradiated fuel than the Rawalpindi plant could handle, prompting the “secret” construction of the Chashma plutonium separation plant.

Don’t Be Fooled: Antichrist Controls The Iraqi Government (Rev 13)

Michael Jansen: Disregarded fault lines
February 20, 2015

The murder in Baghdad a week ago of a leading Sunni tribal leader has put paid to the fiction that the current Shia fundamentalist-dominated government under Prime Minister Haider Al Abadi can ever be “inclusive.” Sunni lawmakers have blamed the murder of Sheikh Qasim Al Janabi, his son and six bodyguards on Shia militias revived since Daesh captured the western cities of Ramadi and Fallujah and the northern city of Mosul last year. The sheikh’s nephew Ziad Al Janabi, a Sunni parliamentarian, was also kidnapped but set free after a beating.

While some Shia militia groups had retreated into the background in recent years, others prospered under the tutelage of former Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki and militia leaders have been given prime posts in the government, although Abadi initially had the intention of appointing figures who would be acceptable to both Shias and Sunnis.

Hakim Al Zamili, head of parliament’s defence and security committee which was set to investigate the killings, is a Sadrist militia commander accused of operating death squads during the 2005-07 sectarian conflict and of the 2006 kidnap and disappearance of Ammar Al Saffar, a deputy health minister who had investigated Zamili’s criminal activities. The Sadrist movement and Mahdi Army militia he represents are loyal to radical Shia cleric Muqtada Al Sadr, an Iraqi nationalist whose connection with Iran is tenuous.

Interior Minister Mohammed Salem Al Ghabban was a leading figure in the Iran founded and fostered Badr Corps which fought with the Iranian army against Iraq during the 1980-88 war between these two countries. The corps has been held responsible for mass killings and sectarian cleansing of Sunnis. Abadi had suggested Hadi Al Amiri, the corps commander for the post, but this appointment was rejected as too controversial.

The presence of these men in the current Iraqi government reveals two things: Abadi is weak and at the beck and call of powerful Shia fundamentalist factions and is in no position to effect the sectarian reconciliation that Iraq requires to defeat Daesh.

While the Sadrists, Badrists, and other Shia militias are well-funded and well-armed and are assuming the job of battling Daesh that the still broken Iraqi army should have shouldered, Sunni tribesmen trying to defend their areas and fight Daesh are starved of both money and weaponry.

Last month, an eleven-member delegation of Iraqi tribal figures from Anbar province, led by Sheikh Ahmed Abu Risha, paid a visit to Washington, DC with the aim of asking the Obama administration for direct delivery of funds and arms. Their arrival coincided with a Daesh attack on Abu Risha’s compound that killed nine policemen and wounded 28 of his entourage but their pleas for aid were ignored.

Without the support of Iraq’s Sunnis, particularly those in strategic Anbar, which borders on Syria, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, Daesh cannot be contained, routed, and finally uprooted.

This was shown by what happened when US troops reinforced by Sunni “Awakening Council” Sunni fighters fought and defeated Al Qaeda during the 2007-08 “surge.”

Once Al Qaeda was seriously reduced, neither Washington nor Baghdad attempted to uproot it. Therefore, Al Qaeda remained underground waiting for the moment to reappear.

Shia fundamentalist Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki’s policies alienated Sunnis and encouraged a minority of them to turn to Al Qaeda to wreak revenge. Maliki refused to honour pledges to “Awakening” fighters to give them jobs in the military and civil service and pay salaries and pensions. He marginalised Sunnis politically and economically, imprisoned thousands, killed scores, and abused hundreds. Along with outlawed and persecuted ex-Baathists, many Sunnis joined Daesh when it appeared on the scene in 2013.

This means Iraq’s war with Daesh is likely to be long, deadly and destructive. The Obama administration knows full well that the Iraqi government is not “national” or “inclusive” but continues to behave if this is the case. This amounts to collusion with the worst of the Shia fundamentalists put in power by the previous administration headed by George W. Bush.

As if the world has not had enough of the Bushes, George W. and his father George H.W., a third Bush, Jeb is likely to stand for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. While he argues he will not be lumbered with the dodgy records of his elder brother (in particular) and his father, he cannot escape them. US voters may recall that the economy was weak under Bush senior and collapsed into the Great Recession under Bush junior and that both embroiled the US in wars in Iraq. These wars have transformed that country into a “failed state” and led to the emergence of Daesh.
In a 2010 CNN joint interview with George W. Jeb said, “I’m the only Republican who was in office [as governor of Florida] when he was in office as president that never disagreed with him.” Such a statement should give the world – if not the Republican party – the incentive to express concern about a third Bush in the White House.

“Jeb” who tends to leave out his last name when campaigning, seeks to sell himself as a pro-small government conservative who will curb spending and reduce taxes. He emphasises his potential domestic agenda while saying little about what he would do in and to the wide world. Jeb Bush is reported to have already raised nearly $100m (Dhs367m) for his two campaigns – to secure both nomination and presidency.

What has the 2016 US presidential race got to do with the murder of Sheikh Qasim Al Janabi? A great deal. Obama’s successor must change his failed policy on Iraq with the aim of bringing in or, indeed, imposing if necessary a truly “inclusive” government in Baghdad representative of Sunnis, secularists, and Iraq’s small minorities. This government must respect and be prepared to serve all the country’s communities. The long war against Daesh will not be won until this happens.

The author, a well-respected observer of Middle East
affairs, has three books on the Arab-Israeli conflict

Iranian Horn Prepared To Attack Israel (Daniel 8:4)

Report: Iran has direct military presence on Israel’s borders

According to new report, Iran is establishing Hezbollah Syria organization and has a direct presence in Syria, particularly on Golan • Former Revolutionary Guard commander: “Our strategic depth reaches to the Mediterranean, and over Israel’s head.”
Daniel Siryoti and Israel Hayom Staff
Members of the Lebanese pro-Syrian Popular Committees train along the Lebanese-Syrian border [Archive]

Impossible: Iran Has A Fatwa Against Nukes ;) (Daniel 8:3)

WASHINGTON — With only five weeks remaining for a basic agreement to be reached with Iran on the fate of its nuclear program, the world’s nuclear inspectors reported on Thursday that Iran was still refusing to answer their longstanding questions about suspected work on nuclear weapons and designs.
The report, by the International Atomic Energy Agency, was issued just as an American negotiating team heads to Geneva for four days of talks that will, by Sunday, include Secretary of State John Kerry and his Iranian counterpart, Mohammad Javad Zarif. Most of those negotiations focus on the future, particularly on the question of how much nuclear fuel Iran would be permitted to produce and stockpile.

But a lurking issue has been whether, as part of any final accord, Iran will be compelled to answer all questions that the I.A.E.A. has put to it about evidence of past work on designing weapons. For more than three years Iran has refused, maintaining the evidence was fabricated and insisting its nuclear intentions are peaceful. But Iran has also, at various times, agreed to provide some answers, especially after the agency detailed, in November 2011, a dozen areas in which it suspected weapons-related work may have taken place.

American officials have cloaked the details of the negotiations in secrecy, and have not been specific about how an agreement would compel compliance with the international inspectors, who are part of the United Nations. Iranian demands for an agreement include a lifting of all United Nations resolutions and sanctions against Iran, many based on I.A.E.A. reports.

A senior American official, who declined to speak on the record about the negotiations, said the United States and its five negotiating partners — Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia — “are working to support the work of the I.A.E.A. by gaining I.A.E.A. access to information and locations that it has been seeking as appropriate.”
The agency’s report reaffirmed that Iran had complied with its responsibilities under an interim agreement during the negotiations to suspend production of nuclear fuel that could be quickly converted to bomb-grade, and limit production of reactor-grade fuel. Inspectors have been able to visit the main fuel-production sites. President Obama has cited that finding in recent interviews to assert that the Iranian program is now far more constrained — an argument for playing out the negotiations to conclusion. Even so, opinions in the Obama administration about the prospects for final accord are mixed.
The report said the agency “remains concerned about the possible existence in Iran of undisclosed nuclear-related activities involving military-related organizations, including activities related to the development of a nuclear payload for a missile.”

Because Iran has not provided explanations for the agency’s questions about all nuclear-related work, the report said, “the agency is not in a position to provide credible assurance about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and therefore to conclude that all nuclear material in Iran is in peaceful activities.”

The report, which was not released publicly, was obtained by The New York Times and other news organizations.
American intelligence agencies concluded toward the end of the Bush administration that Iran had ceased what they described as an effort to pursue a weapon in late 2003, though they found evidence of sporadic work since. But there has never been a precise accounting of what kind of work they say Iran pursued, especially in laboratories and test areas overseen by Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, the Iranian scientist believed to be leading the military research.
In 2011, the I.A.E.A. published a list of a dozen technologies, most of them necessary to build a nuclear weapon, that inspectors said Iran had tried to master, based in part on evidence supplied by the United States and Israel.
But on a cooperative note, the inspectors narrowed that list of 12 to three, and announced plans in November 2013 to get those answered first.
More than a year later, the report said, Iran has engaged the inspectors on only one topic — whether its engineers developed detonators that could be used to initiate a nuclear explosion. The report Thursday said Iran had not provided “any explanations” that would go beyond that cursory engagement, or clarify the two outstanding questions.
For example, it said, Iran had avoided answering why it conducted studies of experiments with conventional explosives. In a bomb, those explosives could be used to create highly focused shock waves that compress the core of a nuclear device, starting the chain reaction that leads to a nuclear blast. But there are other uses for such explosives.
The other outstanding question centers on computer modeling studies of how the subatomic neutrons released in a chain reaction move and multiply.
In their 2011 report, the inspectors argued that the evidence behind their dozen questions had made a credible case that “Iran has carried out activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device” and that a clandestine effort might still be underway.
The report said inspectors had amassed “over a thousand pages” of documents, presumably spirited out of Iran by spies or defectors. It said they showed “research, development and testing activities” on technologies needed to develop a nuclear weapon; the details filled 14 pages.